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I started writing this book with only one single purpose – What is the meaning of Gender? On this question are written thousands of books, but till present day there is no conventional answer.Nature has created many ways for reproduction of the species. Some of them have disappeared along with the species, some still exist today. But in practice, species that reproduce bisexually have conquered the planet with man as its chief representative. And not only this. According to Darwin, the existence of the sexes, male and female, is so important that it leads to “sexual selection,” which dominates even over the “natural selection”:
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Laura Papo Bohoreta, the birthname of Luna, was born in 1891 inSarajevo as the daughter of Judah and Esther Levi. At the end of the 19th and early 20th century she lived in Istanbul,where her entire family moved. There they lived very modestly. Since early childhood, she began to read various books. Later she studied French atthe International French School for Jews (Alliance Israélite Française) in Istanbul.
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Laura Papo Bohoreta, the birth name of Luna, was born in 1891 in Sarajevo as the daughter of Judah and Esther Levi. At the end of the 19th and early 20th century she lived in Istanbul, where her entire family moved. There they lived very modestly. Since early childhood, she began to read various books. Later she studied French at the International French School for Jews (Alliance Israélite Française) in Istanbul.
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As one of the important figures of Turkish political life; Tansu Ciller, an economics professor whom President Suleyman Demirel addressed as “My Daughter” and led her to step in politics, started her political career at the True Path Party (Doğru Yol Partisi) in 1990. She was elected as the member of parliament from Istanbul in 1991 elections. Ciller served as the state minister in charge of the economy in the coalition government established with the Social Democratic People's Party with Suleyman Demirel as prime minister.After the death of the 8th President Turgut Ozal, Suleyman Demirel was elected as the president and left the position of the prime minister and chairman of the True Path Party. Tansu Ciller elected as the chairman of the True Path Party on June 13, 1993, with the highest number of votes and also became Turkey's first female prime minister. She served as prime minister in the 50th, 51st and 52nd governments formed from June 1993 to March 1996. Since she is Turkey's first female prime minister, Tansu Ciller governments are periods that should be examined specifically with women's projects and women's policies. Within the scope of this study; the perspective of the current ideology of the period on the concept of women will be essentially examined in the first part. The introduction will provide information on the women's policies of the governments formed before the Ciller Governments. Studies on women's problems and women's rights conducted during the periods of these governments will be evaluated. In Chapter 1, data on Ciller governments' (1993-1996) women's policies and practices conducted on women will be presented, supported by media reports. In Chapter 2, how successful the government programs were and their shortcomings will be focused on and the study will be concluded with an overall assessment. With this study, it is aimed to contribute to both women's projects and literature of Turkish Political Life by analyzing the women's policies of Governments of Tansu Ciller, Turkey's first and only elected female prime minister so far.
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Certain reforms and regulations have been implemented in Turkey to allow women to play an active role in politics. Women were granted the right to vote and stand for election in 1934 empowering women to actively participate in politics. Such regulations granting women access to decision-making mechanisms as equal citizens are regarded as a significant step towards the ideal of “reaching the level of contemporary civilisations”. Nevertheless, to this day women are observed not to enjoy the desired level of representation in politics and notably in the parliament in Turkey. Equal political representation for women is currently hindered by obstacles, as well as certain viewpoints against the acknowledgment of women in politics. The present study addresses the position of female representation in the parliament of Turkey between 1935 and 2018. The study conducted a literature review on the concept of gender and the specific factors of consequence for women’s engagement in politics. It has furthermore assessed the data concerning the representation of women. The most fundamental finding is underrepresentation of women. The study emphasises that lack of active positioning of women in politics is not a problem of mere figures, but essentially represents a problem of democracy and recommends enforcement of targeted regulations that will encourage women to take part and play an active role in politics (e. g. gender quotas).
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The Mukhtar institution entered our lives from the beginning of the 19th century and made a great contribution to the formation of local dynamics as the smallest management unit. As a unique model, it also has a different value. The election and nomination processes of the muhtar and their administrations create an important opportunity for participation and representation, starting from the local point of view for voters. Its proximity to the public, its availability, intervention to local problems and the provision of solutions are very important for local dynamics. There is the possibility of solidarity and sharing. All these features have a great potential for change and development in terms of women's representation and participation. Despite this potential, women are represented very little or even negligibly in the mukhtars. As of 2021, there are 50.284 mukhtars in our country, including villages and neighborhoods. Only 1.101 of these mukhtars are women. Although the rate of women mukhtars, which was 1.3% in the 2014 elections, increased to 2.1% in 2019, it points to a serious representation problem. It is a situation that deserves to be examined in terms of many areas in itself, because women who make up half of the society have so little place in a structure that is so close and within their lives. This can also provide a basis for the need to create different sensitivities, models and awareness in terms of democracy and equality.The main purpose of the study is to trace how the mukhtar model can be an exemplary model on the road to ensuring equality between men and women in the developing world of the 21st century. This study will also be examined in terms of local dynamics, with the participation of women and representation in an mukhtar scale from an egalitarian perspective. Experiences of women mukhtars during their candidate and election processes, their studies, their organization styles will be conveyed through one-to-one interviews. Service examples of women mukhtars after they are selected will be included in the study.
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The right of women to vote and be elected is the output of a difficult and long-term struggle. In Turkey, women won the right to vote and be elected in 5 December, 1934. The Swiss women were 36 years later, in 1971. In 2021, the rate of female deputies in the Turkish Grand National Assembly is 17.2% and in Switzerland it is 42%!Although the number of female MPs in the Turkish Grand National Asembly reached the highest rate (17.8%) in the June 2015 elections, it has been decreasing since 2015. It is seen that there is no positive situation regarding equal representation of women in decision-making mechanisms and the current situation is below the global average. In order to ensure equal participation of women and men in socio-economic life, it is critical that the government implements gender equality policies and that the selected women create pressure on this issue.In this study, the programs, statutes and election manifestos of 11 parties (AK Party, BTP, BBP, CHP, DP, HDP, IYI Party, MHP, SP, VP and HÜDA-PAR) that entered the 27th term parliamentary elections will be analyzed in a gender equality perspective. However, the data of the parties on women's representation during the election period and the election results will be evaluated comprehensively.
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This paper contains research on the traces left in social memory by a monument built in public space by the sculpture artist Meriç Hızal in order to express the reaction that she felt against femicides. The “Alyazma Monument”, which was built in cooperation with the Antalya City Council's Women Assembly and the Muratpaşa Municipality, was opened on 07 March 2012 in the Palmiye Park in Muratpaşa district. This monument, built on the concept of femicide, represents women killed by male violence. The artist who designed the “alyazma” form using the concept of a red metal pyramid in order to symbolize the women who were killed in Anatolia, carved the names of women who had been victims of violence and thus let the light leak from the holes of the characters. The fact that the light passing through the female names carved on Alyazma falls on the people entering the monument creates an intense state of emotion for the people who experience this artwork. The audience, upon seeing these names, shivers and feel a confrontation with these murders. Thanks to the light that leak from these names, the names of female victims are reflected on the ground, and visitors do not want to step on the names reflected on the ground.The aestheticization of a social pain in a pyramidal monument form invokes a thought-provoking, questioning feeling within the viewers. When it rains, the raindrops that slide from the cavities are identified with the tears of the deceased women. Can a work of art leave a trace in social memory? Is art merely an area of aesthetic pleasure experience? The paper will be developed on these questions and an evaluation will be made in the conclusion section.
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ARE ACTING THEORY AND HISTORY GENDER-INFLECTED DISCOURSES, HAVING IN MIND ACTING’S MAIN VEHICLE OF EXPRESSION – THE HUMAN BODY – AND THE CONCOMITANT FACT THAT SEPARATE CHAPTERS OF ACTING THEORY AND HISTORY NECESSARILY, IF IMPLICITLY, RELIED ON PHILOSOPHICAL AND MEDICAL, LATER ALSO PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CONCEPTUALISATIONS OF SEXUAL DIFFERENCE? THIS ARTICLE OFFERS A SHORT SURVEY OF SHIFTING HISTORICAL IDEAS REGARDING THE FEMALE ACTING PRACTICE AS AN EITHER NEGLECTED OR OVERVALUED, “INDOMITABLE” SUPPLÉMENT DISTURBING ALL ATTEMPTS TO CONSTRUCT A UNIFIED AESTHETIC, HISTORICAL AND THEORETICAL DISCOURSE ON ACTING, LET ALONE THE ONE WHICH WOULD PROVE INDEPENDENT OF WHAT BOURDIEU CALLS THE HISTORICAL LABOUR OF DEHISTORICIZING THE PROCESS OF OVERALL SEXUALISATION OF COGNITIVE AND SOCIAL STRUCTURES ACCORDING TO CATEGORIES DERIVED FROM THE ANDOCENTRIC UNCONSCIOUS.
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THE FICTION OF GENDER CONSTRUCTING THE FICTION OF NATION: ON HOW FICTIONS ARE NORMATIVE, AND NORMS PRODUCE EXCEPTIONS, “NATION”, CLAIMING AN IMAGINARY COMMON BIRTH, RECONSTRUCTS ITSELF A POSTERIORI AS A REALITY AS IF IT HAD ALWAYS EXISTED. IT NEEDS PATRIARCHY FOR THIS. BOTH THE GENDER DIVISION, AS WELL AS THE EXCLUSION ON WHICH THE NATION IS ESTABLISHED, THOUGH CAUSALLY INTERTWINED, EXPRESS THE SAME UNIVERSAL "SHARING/SPLITTING OF REASON" (PARTAGE DE LA RAISON). BOTH CLAIM “NATURE” ESSENTIALISING THE INEQUALITY AS NATURAL. REASON IS NORMATIVE, ESPECIALLY IN ITS DIVIDED FORM. THE SEX (OR GENDER) DIFFERENCE IS POLITICAL. IT IS THE POLITICAL DIFFÉREND REPRESENTING THE HETEROSEXUAL NORMATIVE PARADIGM THROUGH SYMBOLIC ANALOGIES, FOR OTHER INJUSTICES AND INEQUALITIES. IT IS A HIERARCHY INCLUDING WOMEN AS SUBORDINATE. IT IS THE DICHOTOMY THAT FIXES GENDER AND SEX, NOT THE OPPOSITE. THE SEXUAL DIFFERENCE IS A VERY POWERFUL IDEA SHOWING THE INADEQUACY OF THE SELF WITH ITSELF.
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THE PAPER EXAMINES THE SOCIAL, POLITICAL, LEGAL AND CULTURAL CONSTRUCTIONS OF WOMAN’S IDENTITY IN POST- WORLD WAR 2 SLOVENIA. IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA, SOCIALIST DOCTRINE DISASSOCIATED ITSELF SHARPLY FROM WESTERN FEMINISM THAT IT SAW AS AN IDEOLOGICAL OUTLET OF THE BOURGEOIS CONSCIOUSNESS. INSTEAD, THE »WOMAN'S QUESTION« WAS PROMOTED AS, IN THE WORDS OF THE LEADING POST-WAR SLOVENE IDEOLOGUE VIDA TOMSIC, AN INTEGRAL QUESTION OF OVERALL MATERIAL AND SOCIAL PROGRESS. HOWEVER, SCHOLARS OF GENDER IN THE FORMER SOCIALIST BLOC HAVE ARGUED THAT IN THE EFFORTS TO CONTROL WOMEN'S ROLE IN SOCIETY, THE OFFICIAL DISCOURSE AND POLITICS CREATED A SPECIFIC SOCIALIST DICHOTOMY BETWEEN THE PRIVATE AND THE PUBLIC SPHERE WHICH WAS THE EXACT OPPOSITE OF THE WESTERN SOCIETIES: WHEREAS IN THE WEST, THE FEMINIST DISCOURSES LOCATED THE PUBLIC SPHERE AS THE SITE OF THE STRUGGLE FOR GENDER EQUALITY, AND STROVE TO LIBERATE WOMAN FROM HER »DOMESTIC CONTAINMENT«, IN THE SOCIALIST SOCIETY, IT WAS THE PRIVATE SPHERE WHICH PRESENTED ITSELF AS A SPHERE OF FREEDOM AND RESISTANCE. ISOLATED FROM STATE IMPOSED POLITICS OF »WOMAN'S LIBERATION« IN THE WORKPLACE, THE SPHERES OF FAMILY LIFE AND DOMESTICITY OFFERED TO WOMEN AN IDEOLOGICAL SANCTUARY TO CONSTRUCT THEIR OWN IDENTITIES AS WELL AS A TERRAIN TO CONTEST THE SOCIALIST PARADIGM OF WOMANHOOD. THE PAPER LOOKS AT THE IDEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL COMPLEXITIES OF THIS DICHOTOMY OF GENDER FROM THE SPECIFIC VANTAGE POINT OF SOCIALIST SLOVENIA. IT DEFINES A DISTINCT GEO-POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC POSITION OF SLOVENIA AND DISCUSS THE INFLUENCE OF PARTY IDEOLOGY IN WHICH EYES WOMEN WERE MORE OR LESS ONLY COMRADES AND WORKING MOTHERS ON THE ONE SIDE AND WESTERN FEMINISM WHICH THESE WOMEN MOSTLY SAW AS DOUBLE-BURDENED AND DE-FEMINISED WOMEN ON THE OTHER AS WELL AS THEIR MULTI-CULTURAL EXPERIENCES OF EVERYDAY LIVES ON THE CONSTRUCTION OF WOMEN'S IDENTITY. IT ALSO ADDRESSES THE ROLE OF MASS CULTURE AND CONSUMERISM AS IMPORTANT SITES OF CONTESTATION AVAILABLE TO WOMEN IN THEIR DAILY LIVES ESPECIALLY THROUGH ADVERTISING AND WOMEN'S MAGAZINES. THE PAPER OBSERVES IDEOLOGICAL CLASHES BETWEEN SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY AND THE WESTERN-STYLE IMAGERY AS THEY STRUGGLE TO DEFINE WOMAN'S IDENTITY UNDER THE GROWING PRESSURE OF LIBERALIZATION AND DEMOCRATIZATION OF SOCIETY.
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THE PAPER FOCUSES ON THE THE POSITION OF SON/NARATOR IN CONTEMPORARY SERBIAN NOVEL. ALTHOUGH STILL THE PRIVILEGED INHERITOR OF ALL SYMBOLIC GOODS OF PATRIARCHAL COMMUNITY, THE SON/NARATOR IS NO LONGER IN AN ABSOLUTELY DESIRABLY BUT IN A MARGINAL AND OUTSIDERISH POSITION WHICH REVEALS SIGNIFICANT CULTURAL SHIFTS AND SPECIFIC INTERACTIONS BETWEEN POSTMODERN NARRATIVE STRATEGIES AND REPRESENTATIONS OF NEW CONCEPTS OF MASCULINITIES IN SERBIAN CULTURE.
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According to the High Council for Equality between Women and Men (HCE/fh) in France, “Violence against women is the basis of inequalities between women and men. They fuel on the one hand the feeling of domination among the perpetrators, and on the other hand the feeling of fear and loss of self-confidence among the victims.” (Bousquet, D. and al., 2016, p. 7) . The same study points out that “women are still widely considered to be responsible for the sexual violence they endure.” (p.7)
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One of the most important events in the life of a medieval woman was the journey of a bride. As a part of the nuptials this journey consisted of numerous ceremonies and rites. Along with thisjourney a woman was transferred from childhood to adulthood, from the authority of her father to the authority of her husband. Thus, it was not only the journey in a geographical point of view, but in a symbolical one as well. Despite the fact that virtually every medieval highborn woman set out on this journey, only one normative source concerning an ideal version of the journey is preserved. It is De institutione vivendi by Neapolitan nobleman Diomede Carafa and it was written as a wedding gift for Beatrix of Aragon and Matthias Corvinus in 1476. De institutione contains the genre aspects of a mirror for the queen and an guide for the journey. This unusual part – guide for the journey could have be added by an initiave of addressee, queen Beatrix, or more likely it was an invention of the author himself. Apart from advice on how to travel, how to take care of servants and household etc., Carafa recommends the young queen to seize this way as a chance. The chance to prepare herself for her future life and to visit special places and persons during the journey in order to get a personal prestige which will be vital to her fate. Beatrix is supposed to visit devotional places, important persons (pope, cardinals, her elder sister Eleonora, duchess of Ferrara). As a preparation for her future life she should gain every valuable information by which she would achieve the grace of her husband and mother-in-law – the information about how to govern one‘s household, how to learn the language of her new kingdom. An ideal journey of the bride, at least according to Diomede Carafa, is a well spent preparation for the future life and the role of queen. It is a time of maturation which may facilitate the process of transition.
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The paper is aimed at revealing stylistic continuity between romanticism and symbolism in Russian literature by doing a case study. The works of a prominent representative of Russian romanticism, theorist and innovator V.F. Odoevsky as well as the prose of symbolist writers serve as material for analysis. Images of women and the specificity of their depiction by the above mentioned authors are selected as a research object. The research has shown that although the symbolists did not proclaim V.F. Odoevsky their literary precursor and his name did not emerge in symbolist manifestos and theoretical works (as in case of F. Tyutchev and A. Fet), it is from his conceptually thematic and stylistic trials that one can draw “straight lines” to symbolist experiments clearly illustrating the continuity between two literary directions and confirming the important role of V.F. Odoevsky in the Russian literary process. The analysis of some prose works by V.F. Odoevsky allowed to reveal, for instance, the following recurrent (with some variations) female types: woman possessing arcane knowledge or/and magic powers; woman having dual nature – human and mystical; woman from the picture coming alive. The noted images, depicted highly originally, demonstrate, however, the indubitable influence of Hermeticism (including alchemical symbolism), Schelling’s philosophy and the work of German romanticists. The resemblance between female images in the prose of V.F. Odoevsky and the most frequently encountered ones in the symbolism becomes apparent when making a comparative analysis. It is revealing that semantic accumulations of the images at the beginning of the XX century are carried out in general in line with the directions traced by romanticists and, in the first place, by V.F. Odoevsky – an appeal to mythology, Hermeticism, theosophy in a broad sense; an aspiration to embody artistically the idea of synthesis of arts, religion and philosophy.
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Iako se primarno odnose na problematiku podređenosti žena u društvu, feminizam i feministički pokreti ne bi trebali predstavljati isključivo žensku borbu u postizanju ravnopravnosti, već je svakako važna i podrška muškaraca. Stoga ću, u ovome članku, pokušati potvrditi tezu iz naslova i ujedno kritički propitati ustaljene prakse patrijarhalnoga govora o feminizmu, ženskim pravima i praksama potčinjavanja.
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Sigurno se sjećate priče o Šeherzadi iz 1001 noći (perz. رازه و كي بش Hezār-o Yek shab). Cara Šahrijara žena je prevarila s robom. Naredio je da preljubnike ubiju. Od tada je Šahrijar patio zbog pretrpljene sramote i nanesene boli. Svoju bol je gušio sveteći se cijelom ženskom rodu tako što bi svaku noć dovodio djevicu, spavao s njom i ujutro je ubijao. Na isti način, i sa istim ciljem, dovedena mu je Šeherzada. Međutim, Šeherzada je bila obrazovana i mudra vezirova kćer.
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