Keywords: Macedonian political emancipation; Congress of Berlin;the Balkan wars; Macedonian Nation-Building;
The present paper sheds light on the most important patterns of Macedonian political emancipation, from the period subsequent to the Congress of Berlin (1878) and prior to the Balkan wars (1912–1913). It focuses on a number of problems addressed by this volume: different modalities of nationalism (supranational, inter-national, etc.); paradigm shifts of national discourses; the relationship between confessional and national identities, and between ethnicity and different political ideologies (liberal, socialist). The timeframe is by no means arbitrarily chosen: while the so-called "Macedonian Question" was generally perceived, already in this period, as a result of a political setting provoked by the decisions taken in Berlin, the context that followed the first division of the region brought about different political commitments deserving further special attention and survey.
More...Keywords: Serbian nationalism; Petar Petrović Njegoš; Ivo Andrić
The recent violent outburst of Serbian nationalism has attracted significant interest in the ever-growing field of nationalism studies. In addition, the socalled „cultural turn“ has engaged scholars in the reappraisal of significant aspects of Serbian culture, namely the ones that make it national, such as literature. Two writers – Petar Petrović Njegoš and Ivo Andrić – pillars of the Serbian literary canon, have naturally been debated the most and their works are often referred to either as illustrations of eternal hatred among South Slavs or as providing impetus for the conflicts. Presenting part of this debate to an international audience, Celia Hawkesworth argued that the main problem of the recent reassessment of major literary figures in the former Yugoslavia was the inability of many commentators to separate the political from the artistic, something I believe is both impossible and futile. After all, the characters at stake here were not lonely riders. One was the spiritual and political leader of his (Montenegrin) state in the 19th century, and the other was the highest diplomatic representative of another (Yugoslav) state in the 20th century. Even more instrumental than their political positions was the influence of their literature on political imagining and identity building over the last two centuries. Nonetheless, their influence was not a one-way and one- dimensional phenomenon. Illuminating the interplay between the two is a task for both historians and literary critics.
More...Keywords: Hague Tribunal;ex – Yugoslavia; war crimes; international law; UN; security council; US; victims of war; protection; Serbia; NATO; Carla Del Ponte; Vojislav Koštunica; Slobodan Milošević; intellectuals;
Much was written and said about the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (the Hague Tribunal). And as it usually happens with respect to momentous events, essential things about the Hague Tribunal were committed, notably in view of the fact that in recent wars in the territory of ex- Yugoslavia many crimes were committed and that their perpetrators and accomplices are to be brought to justice and punished. But according to some weird logic, much hyped are opinions of many politicians and some jurists, that the Hague Tribunal is not an institution of justice, but rather a foreign political instrument for trying Serbs, and as such "it should be totally disregarded and vilifed". Exceptions from this general line of thinking were public discussions on the Hague Tribunal staged by some renowned NGOs and institutions and published in some dailies and magazines. The Hague Tribunal was established as an adequate response of international community to drastic violations of international law. During recent wars in the territory of former Yugoslavia, war crimes and crimes against humanity were committed. The authorities in place hushed up those crimes, downplayed atrocities and covered up the truth. A very small number of people knew what had really happened. As trials were not held before national courts, the International Criminal Tribunal was set up to establish facts in lawful proceedings, to make them public and bring to justice perpetrators of the crimes. There is also another question: Do the trials before the Hague Tribunal have a special significance? Diplomatic means and sanctions were used to put en end to war and ensure peace. But neither were successful. The Dayton and the Paris accord stopped the war, but did not consolidate the peace. Consolidation of peace is not a declaration, but a process. In that process a specific place was accorded to the Hague Tribunal. Within general efforts aimed at re-establishing peace and security in the territory of former Yugoslavia, decisions of the Hague Tribunal have a repressive importance regarding war criminals and a preventive importance regarding every high-ranking politician and military officer. In the second half of the Twentieth Century, international law, thanks to momentous transformation of legal provisions relating to conduct of states and individuals in armed conflicts, and under strong influence of affirmation of human rights stipulated by international covenants, established international individual criminal responsibility of those who gravely violated humanitarian law relating to armed conflicts. If the Hague Tribunal carries out its repressive and preventive tasks and consequently contributes to international justice and legality, stances on war and peace shall be different. In those terms the practice of the Hague Tribunal complements future efficiency of permanent International Criminal Court. Irrefutable legal assumption is that the Hague Tribunal acts as an authorised ad hoc international criminal court and that its decisions should consolidate respect of human rights, peace and international justice. Its Statute and Rules of Procedure and Evidence, its orders and warrants transmitted to the states, members of the UN, and obligations of those states to comply with those orders, are in keeping with the international law. Awareness of the obligation that perpetrators of crimes must be handed over to the Hague Tribunal, leads to the replacement of the legal assumption by the truth.
More...Keywords: Yugoslavia; army; Serbia; regime; Slobodan Milošević; war-time; peace-time; "serbization"; nationalities; transformation; police forces; international dimension; paramilitary groups;
Even if one were to maintain that some psychological, political and professional features of Yugoslav Army resembled those of the armies of some European states undergoing transition, then one must also admit that the Yugoslav Army does not have its counterpart anywhere in the world when it comes to the YA origins, background, war experience and the current political engagement. One could say without any exaggeration that it is a phenomenon among the armies of the world, as much as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is a phenomenon among other countries in the world. At least this assertion applies to the state and its army during the rule of Slobodan Milošević. It was created not through transformation, as the versions of the domestic (both active and retired) military professionals imply (see, for example, Veljko Kadijević, My perception of the war, Beograd 1993 page 113) but by simple downsizing and (mere renaming) of the former Yugoslav People's Army to the Serbian-Montenegrin combat and high officers cadres. That process evolved in a frightening wanton war destruction and wandering “of the armed force of all our peoples and nationalities” from Karavanka mountains in Slovenia to Danube and Drina. The Army of Yugoslavia after ten years of its existence is still searching for its own identity.
More...Keywords: Serbia; media; polemics; magazine; "Vreme";
Dehelsinkizacija gospođe Biserko - Dragoljub Žarković Udarac u donji stomak - Vera Ranković Moj odgovor njima - Velimir Ćurgus Kazimir Žive mete - Latinka Perović Ama sam Srbin, dakle kriv - Karlo Danilović Zamerke zbog kršenja ljudskih prava SS-ovaca - Dr Milan M. Ćirković Iskrivljivanje događaja ih haške sudnice - Bogdan Ivanišević Neprijatelj u Srbiji - otvorenost, snaga i integritet nekoliko žena - Nataša Kandić Neprijatelji nezavisnih medija? - Svetlana Slapšak Tužilačka revnost - Stojan Cerović Pravo na treće mišljenje – Ljubiša Rajić Činjenice i trezvenost - Ljiljana Smajlović S puno žara i na brzinu - Nenad Lj. Stefanović Komunistički trag - Vladimir Ilić Kapitulacija pred zločinom - Srđa Popović Bombardovanje za naše dobro - Miroslav Višić Otrovna značenja - Lazar Stojanović Podmazivanje razgovora - Branko Vučićević Srbi, Nemci i Holanđani - Miloš Bobić Pismo pod bombama - Nadežda Radović Plamsaju prve vatrice - Bogdan Bogdanović "Volterova kopilad" i Katarinina krzna - Frano Cetinić Tvrdoglava Selektivnost - Stojan Cerović Malo o ljudskom dignitetu - Srđa Popović Svesni i nesvesni - Ljiljana Smajlović Svedoci I izveštavanje - Bogdan Ivanišević Teoretičari zavere - Jon Kvaerne A šta su radili drugi? - Srđa Popović Umorni od jada - Gordana Radošević Dupli standardi - Nenad Lj. Stefanović Zatvor Srbija - Miloš Bobić Legitimno osporavanje - Dr Živojin Dacić 2084. – Dejan Vukelić Babe i tiha revolucija - Svetislav Basara Biciklisti nisu krivi - Stojan Cerović ...
More...Keywords: Serbia; Great Serbia; national ideology; politics; radicals; SRS; Vojislav Šešelj, Chetnik movement; 19th century; 20th century; Yugoslavia;
Srednjovekovna srpska država nastala je u Raškoj oblasti. Kako se razvijala, tako se širila prema jugu (Kosovo, Makedonija), da bi svoj vrhunac dostigla za vreme vladavine cara Dušana (1308-1355), koji je proširio njene granice pripojivši područja Makedonije, Albanije, Epira i Tesalije. Zbog prodiranja Turaka sa juga Balkanskog poluostrva na sever u drugoj polovini XIV veka , srpska država je prestala da postoji, a Srbi iz južnijih krajeva (Makedonija, Kosovo, Metohija) selili su se na sever, pravcem Morava-Vardar (Skoplje-Beograd), i na severozapad (duž linije koja povezuje Skoplje, Kosovo, Sjenicu i Sarajevo). Usled otomanskih osvajanja izmenio se etnički sastav na osvojenim područjima. Pošto su se katolici Hrvati i Mađari povlačili na sever, Turci su se bojali da bi ova pogranična područja, bitna za odbranu carstva, mogla ostati nenaseljena, pa su na njihovo mesto naseljavali pravoslavne hrišćane i muslimane. Tako je u šesnaestom veku došlo do značajnog porasta pravoslavnog življa u severnoj Bosni (oblast Bosanske Krajine), ali i u Slavoniji. Ovom stanovništvu bila je poverena odbrana severne granice Otomanskog carstva. Usled svih tih pomeranja stanovništva, Srbi su se sve više širili po onoj teritoriji koja će u dvadesetom veku činiti Jugoslaviju. Na istoku je, dakle, nastao jedan srpski teritorijalni kompleks u kojem je Srbija, u dolinama reka Morave i Vardara, bila povezana sa Vojvodinom, koju su činili Banat, Bačka i Srem, u Panoniji.2 Na zapadu se taj kompleks prostirao do Dinarskih oblasti – do Novopazarskog sandžaka, koji odgovara teritoriji nekadašnje Raške, kolevci srednjovekovne srpske kraljevine dinastije Nemanjića, te do Crne Gore i Hercegovine. Drugi teritorijalni kompleks nastao je na zapadu i u njegovom sastavu su bili severna Dalmacija, Lika, Kordun, Banija, zapadna Slavonija (područje duž vojne granice Habzburškog carstva, [vidi geografsku kartu 1 u Dodatku] i zapadna Bosna (Bosanska Krajina).
More...Keywords: Great Serbia project; Vojislav Šešelj; nationalism; nationalist propaganda; mass media;
Kako propaganda masovnih medija utiče na prihvatanje kolektivnog nasilja od strane običnih ljudi i njihovo učestvovanje u njemu i kako je Šešeljeva nacionalistička propaganda zagovarala i opravdavala prisilu i nasilje Srba protiv nesrba. Izveštaj veštaka pripremljen za Međunarodni krivični sud Ujedinjenih nacija za bivšu Jugoslaviju. Autor: dr Anthony Oberschall, počasni profesor sociologije na Univerzitetu Severna Karolina, Chapel Hill, Severna Karolina, SAD.
More...Keywords: Serbia; nationalism; totalitarianism; modernization; ideology; dialogue; politics; democratization; decadence; BIH; Croatia; intellectuals; political regime; Vojvodina; minorities; civil society;
Every Saturday for a period of two months, from the beginning of April till the end of June 1992, sessions organized by the Belgrade Circle were held at the Student Cultural Centre in Belgrade. At these sessions, ten in all, intellectuals, members of the Belgrade Circle and their quest – distinguished writers, scientists, artists, journalists, film and theatre directors, architects, actors, interpreters – expressed their own views of another, radically different Serbia. In times of anguish and affliction, the meetings, attended by a large assembly of listeners experiencing a kind of moral purification, were nonetheless imbued with a frail hope that there still might be a chance for a turn in events. With a desire to present ideas, opinions and sensations shared by the participants of the Belgrade Circle sessions to a much larger audience, the reading public, and to preserve them, because of their merit, in a more lasting form, discussions of over eighty intellectuals were compiled to form this book. In the meantime, the overwhelming disaster has reached its climax: »The Bosnian War«, still raging with no feasible way out as yet, exploded and blazed up like fire. The Belgrade Circle participants, distressed and abashed at the display of all those real or imagined evil deeds, so eagerly reported by the portentous heralds of death voiced hitherto often deeply hidden and silent feelings and thoughts about their burdensome disgust at the plague gripping and afflicting us all. Each participant contributed in his or her own way – rigorous scientific analysis, artistic susceptibility, eyewitness accounts, or simply. A public-minded desperate wail – to the shaping of one new, public opinion, the one that stirred in that sad Spring of ’92 and rebelled against the general fear, animosity, devastation, extermination, ethnic cleansing, forcible population exchanges... All those responsible and public-minded citizens, holding different political opinions, some members of various political parties, with incomparable personal experiences, varied professional interest and often of »objectionable« national origin, showed, however the will to insert tolerance among the basic principles of a humanized way of fife. But, in spite of the pronounced differences, their common aim, discernable in each and every speech imported to the audience, was to finally establish a community based on simple but as yet still unattainable ideals such as peace, freedom, tolerance and justice in place of degrading political, national and religious exclusiveness. Participants focussed their attention on various aspects of the problem: some analysed the roots of hatred and evil; some indicated the disastrous consequences of irresponsible national myth revivals; others warned of menaces yet to come unless we see reason in time. Some were stern, others witty and others still perhaps too prone to pathos, but they were all deeply concerned, and, as it unfortunately turned out, correct in predicting subsequent events. Therefore, individuals who take no notice of current, official policy and who have for a long time now tenaciously refused to render their talent and knowledge to the needs of the authorities, gathered round a project titled »Another Serbia«. Instigating a state of war and providing alleged erudite justification for the necessity of mutual extermination in the name of some noble goals, vague even to the very massacre executors, must not and cannot be the vocation of anyone who considers him or herself an »intellectual«, or earns a living acting as one. Hence, all session participants had but one desire: to mark out a path that may lead into a more promising future, to another, different, better and happier Serbia. »Another Serbia« soon became the synonym of resistance to fabricated lies, nationalistic madness, criminal war, a fascist holocaust, senseless destruction of villages and cities. Thanks are also due to the daily newspaper »Borba« which regularly reported on the Belgrade Circle Saturday sessions, and published a number of contributions presented there... We hope that the Another Serbia we all aspire to be easily discernable in the collection of essays presented in this book. The reader who hopes to find traces of at least some political program will be gravely disappointed. At present, when politics have poisoned the very soul of so many men of letters and knowledge, and when, among the most violent oppressors, in the ranks of all mortal enemy groups, one finds so many proud bearers of scientific degrees, who may actually be designated as men of unmerited and easily squandered reputation, it has become somewhat indecent to praise »intellectual pursuits«. The Belgrade Circle was, however, founded early in 1992 with the aim of retrieving dignity – another dangerous quality! – to public speech and conceived plans of action for the benefit of truth. We do not take an elitist position and stand indifferently above the crowd. On the contrary, being deeply involved and concerned, we place ourselves in its midst. The Association of Independent intellectuals insists upon its main goal, as declared in the program, namely, to bring together »critically oriented public figured who wish to unite their own civil and intellectual engagements with those of other, basically similarly oriented people«. That is why the Belgrade Circle will continue to »promote ideas, deeds and activities that affirm the values of a democratic, civil and plural society...« The Belgrade Circle will »encourage free and critical thought in all spheres of public life. It will support and help institutions and individuals who resist violence and animosity, and who plead for dialogue and for the survival of culture as the only humanly valid way of life«. Fine speeches? Maybe. Nevertheless, the Belgrade Circle has already, and despite many organizational and financial hardships, as well as ugly and unjust abuse from people who should have been, by the very nature of their vocation, in our ranks had they not knuckled under the burden of a more noble – national to be sure – mission, gained an undeniably high reputation. The words uttered with the aim of promoting »Another Serbia« and presented in this book to serve at testimony to the existence of a number of sensible people, shrewd and brave enough to resist suffocation by overwhelming absurdity, were not the only »weapon« used by Belgrade Circle members. They had also an active part in numerous civil and peace movements and events, thus contributing to the establishment of critical public opinion in Belgrade and Serbia: let us recall, for instance, the sad candles and our wake in the park, with souls colder than the Belgrade frost, while one of the past infernal wars – God, which one was it? – was raging out there somewhere; let us recall the »Black Band«, »Yellow Band«, »Student Protest ‘92«, and our endeavours to bring the people of Hrtkovci (»Srbislavci«) to reason; let us recall our guests from Pljevlja, Montenegro, Bosnia... All the time we were just launching our unhappy and, we believe, noble, though perhaps futile venture the very first participant said: let the Belgrade Circle begin it’s work! We hope that by offering this book to the public we have already come a long way.
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2002;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2003;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2003;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2003;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2003;
More...Keywords: Kosovo 2004;
More...Keywords: ICTY; Serbia; media reporting; 2003; March; Večernje Novosti; Politika; Blic; Glas Javnosti; Nacional; Kurir; Balkan; Blic News; Danas; Vreme; NIN; Reporter; Ekonomist; arrests; extradictions; defence; investigations; indictiments; state cooperation;
Period: March 2003; Papers: Večernje Novosti, Politika, Blic, Glas Javnosti, Nacional, Kurir, Balkan, Blic News, Danas, Vreme, NIN, Reporter, Ekonomist; Topics: Arrests, Extradictions, Defence, Investigations, Indictiments, State cooperation, Trial, Sentences, Witnesses, etc...
More...Keywords: migration; literature; Turkish; Greek; comparative study; novels;
Tarihe ilişkin araştırmalar çoğunlukla olayların sebebi, gerçekleşme biçimi ve sonucu üzerinden birtakım rakamlara, kazanımlara, kayıplara yer vererek okurun zihninde genel bir şablon çizmeyi hedefler. Genelleştirme ne kadar büyük ve tutarlı ise varılan sonucun da o denli önemli ve isabetli olduğu düşünülür. Bu yaklaşım tarihe meraklı insanların geçmişte yaşananlar hakkında bilgi edinmesini ve bu bilgilerin kalıcı hâle gelmesini kolaylaştırıcı bir yoldur. Esasen bu genelleştirme, sadece Tarih’te değil bütün bilimlerde kullanılabilen bir metottur. Fakat şurası bir gerçek ki bahsi geçen genelleştirme eylemi, biricik olan ‘insan’a ait duyguların yer yer görmezden gelinmesine ya da büsbütün geçiştirilmesine neden olabilir. Sözgelimi “I. Dünya Savaşı Avusturya-Macaristan veliahtı Arşidük Franz Ferdinand’ın 28 Haziran 1914’te Gavrilo Princip adında bir Sırp milliyetçisi tarafından Saraybosna’da öldürülmesi ile patlak verdi.” şeklinde başlayan I. Dünya Savaşı betimlemeleri buna benzer birçok cümle ile olaylar arasında farklı nedensellik ilişkileri kurularak uzun uzadıya anlatılır.
More...Keywords: Yugoslavia; religious conversion of Serbs; Independent State of Croatia; Ustasha regime;1940s; Roman Church; politics and religion; Ante Pavelić;
Jugoslovenska država je 1918. stvorena na liberalnim načelima, među njima i na načelu slobode veroispovesti i verske ravnopravnosti, baštineći tradiciju Kraljevine Srbije. To načelo je prihvaćeno tokom pregovora o uređenju buduće države sredinom 1917. i uneseno u Ustav nove države. Uvođenje liberalnog građanskog uređenja u jugoslovenskoj državi je omogućilo polet hrvatskog nacionalističkog pokreta oličenog u Hrvatskoj seljačkoj stranci. Rimokatolička crkva (RKC) nije bila zadovoljna svojim položajem u jugoslovenskoj državi. Umesto privilegovanog položaja u dvojnoj monarhiji, ona je posle 1918. bila jedna od priznatih veroispovesti u državi u kojoj je vladar bio pravoslavne vere. Izvestan broj rimokatolika je iz raznih razloga (iz ubeđenja, zbog braka, iz karijerističkih pobuda) prihvatio pravoslavnu veru. Velikodostojnici RKC su izuzetno preuveličavali te brojeve nastojeći i time da dokažu da je ona u neravnopravnom položaju u odnosu na Srpsku pravoslavnu crkvu (SPC). Gašenje političke aktivnosti posle proglašenja diktature kralja Aleksandra januara 1929. otvorilo je prostor RKC da preko masovnih organizacija Katoličke akcije i Križara organizuje jednu od najsnažnijih opozicija režimu. [...]
More...Keywords: Central Europe; ethos; modern age; recent history;
Voi propune, în această lucrare, un punct de vedere destul de incomod. E vorba despre faptul că, într-un spațiu larg al Europei Centrale - acoperind, în mare, Austria, Cehoslovacia, Ungaria, Iugoslavia și România de astăzi -, societatea a fost îmbibată de un etos comun, esențialmente diferit de acel „etos protestant al muncii” care se dovedise indispensabil în procesul impunerii capitalismului modem și a democrației liberale în țările anglo-saxone și în nord-vestul european în general. Nu pe munca aducătoare de cîștig ori pe realizările individului s-a întemeiat etosul Europei Centrale, ci mai degrabă pe acumularea de cunoștințe și pe recunoașterea comunitară a importanței instruirii, înțeleasă ca măsură a tuturor meritelor umane și ca vehicul al avansării sociale. Voi încerca să explic mai întîi originile ideologice ale etosului central-european și modul de diseminare al acestuia. în al doilea rînd, potrivit implicațiilor titlului pe care l-am ales, voi încerca să precizez dimensiunea socială și de clasă a acestui fenomen etic și istoric. Și anume, voi aduce exemple pentru a demonstra că etosul central-european era larg răspîndit în toate clasele sociale, de la cei săraci la aristocrație, precum și în toate grupurile etnice. Iată de ce întreg spațiul respectiv împărtășea credința în epistemologie drept singura în stare să furnizeze reguli valide pentru mobilitatea socială și pentru organizarea societății. în al treilea rînd, voi examina geografia culturală a fenomenului, altfel spus, sfera geografico-istorică a etosului instruirii, măsura în care acesta definește o identitate culturală comună pentru Europa Centrală și, în același timp, asemănările și diferențele în raport cu celelalte părți ale continentului (Germania, Rusia, Franța). Alte subiecte vor fi atinse în treacăt: declinul și/sau dispariția etosului central-european în chiar spațiul unde acesta s-a născut, neașteptata lui supraviețuire/resurecție în America de Nord, precum și relevanța pe care acest etos „central-european” o dobîndește pentru lumea întreagă la sfîrșitul secolului XX.
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