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the " Eygenlandrecht" is the "Statuta Iurium Municipalium Saxonum in Transilvania" from 1583
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Replica to the article: Stefan P a s c u , "Die Verwirklichung des rumänischen Nationalstaates" The Realisation of the Romanian Nation-State) in issue 2 (1978), pp. 170-180.
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In the past years, Turkey was able to readjust the relations it maintains to the states of its neighbourhood. Approaching regional security – be it on the Balkans, be it in the Middle East, be it in Central Asia – can no longer afford to disregard the strategic role being played by Turkey. However, Ankara’s declining relationship to the West raises serious doubt whether the country will really be able to position itself as a reliable partner on the global stage. The structural alienation between Tel Aviv and Ankara or Turkey’s hidden agenda on Iran, deliberately overriding US and European interests, illustrate the country’s emancipation from Western considerations. In the end, Turkey might be able to maintain a policy of regional leadership, especially in its Middle Eastern neighbourhood, however, such an approach goes to the disadvantage of its Western anchoring.
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The saga of the Albanian exodus to Europe is long and sometimes tragic. Since the collapse of communism in 1990, many Albanians headed towards different European countries searching for a better life. After the first big wave of refugees had subsided, the EU countries set strong rules for Albanians to enter. It was not easy to get a visa. Many Albanians tried the illegal way, often using the “visa mafia”, and failed. The difficult years of Albanian transition until the beginning of the new century regularly caused streams of refugees. In the last years, the improvement of law and order brought the country to stability and a visa-liberalisation process with the EU was initiated. Albania had to fulfill the requirements of the European Commission concerning travel documents, security, migration and border controls, law and order, reintegration of victims of human trafficking and returning emigrants, foreign affairs and human rights. On 15 September 2010, a Report of the European Commission, based on experts’ evaluation, gave Albania good grades for fulfilling these criteria and green light for visa-liberalisation. The last word came from the Council of the EU Interior Ministers at their meeting in November 2010. They sanctioned visa-liberalisation with Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina by majority decision, opening the way for their people to travelling visa-free for 90 days in the Schengen zone by the end of 2010.
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Turkey has emerged as an important actor, as a consumer, transporter, investor, regional hub and security provider in energy geopolitics. Various recent energy deals Turkey has concluded are all adding to Turkey’s potential to expand its geostrategic weight. In this new landscape, Turks are increasingly acting in pursuit of their own self-interest rather than following the dictates from Washington or Brussels. On the basis of a thorough elaboration of these current and future trends the paper concludes with a number of policy recommendations for government and business leaders in promoting further cooperation and partnership rather than fanning confrontation in search of energy security for all players.
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Whereas Turkey’s foreign policy was traditionally considered to be a domain of the state, it has today – after eight years of AKP rule – become a subject for the public domain and an extension of domestic politics. Indeed, Turkey as a fast growing economy needs new markets and investment opportunities, a fact that necessitates an opening up to countries and regions previously neglected. While this is the main driving force behind the AKP’s new foreign policy, it is also true that the sentiments of the public, and the Islamic public in particular, are too evident in some of the choices made by the government. The author demonstrates these dynamics by looking at Turkey’s ties to Armenia, Israel, Syria and Iran. Thus, for example, Turkey’s growing ties with Iran are extremely popular among the AKP’s Islamic supporters, who admire the Iranian President Ahmedinejad. Ankara’s dealing with Iran’s nuclear pretentions has eventually left Turkey seriously at odds with the US and other Western allies. The author concludes that, while more democratic input in foreign policy administration may be positive in principle, political populism and opportunism can also change the orientation of countries and raise serious questions about where they are headed.
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The article explains the EU and Turkey’s adaptation to a changing global reality and to what extent fostering the integration of Turkey in the EU could be part of the adaptation strategies of both actors in such a new context. Taking note of recent international and domestic events, the article presents Turkey’s evolution as becoming more self-confident while an inward-looking EU risks being sidelined in global affairs. Taking this into account, the author argues that there is little chance to regain momentum in EU-Turkish relations in the short run despite both Turkey and the EU could benefit from it.
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The article examines the role the European Union has played in the Cyprus Problem since the EU accession of the Republic of Cyprus in 2004. Its main thesis is that six years of EU membership (and the accession process) are – with respect to the Cyprus Question – littered with false hopes, miscalculations and misperceptions by all main actors. The paper focuses on two aspects that have dominated the relations between the EU and Cyprus: Firstly, it reconstructs the failed attempts of powerful actors within the European Union to overcome Greek Cypriot resistance in its efforts to implement the EU pledge from 2004 to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots. Secondly, it examines the repeated attempts of the Greek Cypriots to utilise their EU membership as well as the Turkish aspirations to join the Union in order to press Ankara for concession in the Cyprus Question.
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In October 2010 the Bosnian peoples were asked to vote once again for a new state parliament, entity and cantonal parliaments as well as for the members for the Bosnian Presidency and the President of the Republika Srpska. While these elections resulted in a number of surprise gains by moderate candidates and parties, it is unlikely that the newly elected representatives will be able to overcome the political deadlock that has paralysed Bosnia over the last years. Too deep are the political cleavages between the parties and (more important) between the different ethnic groups and too little has been done by international actors including the European Union to push for reform and a consolidation of the state. While there is some hope that the radical rhetoric will calm down in the future, real progress and reform will need an active engagement of the EU, the USA and of Bosnia’s neighbours as well as its three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats). The key for future progress is an agreement on the nature and structure of the common state of Bosnia and Herzegovina among its constituent peoples.
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În prezentul studiu, ne propunem să analizăm problematica petiţiei de ereditate, în lumina dispoziţiilor Legii nr. 287/2009 privind Codul civil, sub toate aspectele pe care aceasta le comportă. Întrucât Codul civil de la 1864 nu reglementează această instituţie juridică, ea beneficiind de reglementare legală numai din partea noului Cod civil, apreciem a fi util şi actual demersul nostru. În egală măsură, în studiul de faţă, va fi antamată problematica certificatului de moştenitor, ca principal mijloc de dovadă a calităţii de moştenitor în cadrul petiţiei de ereditate, în materia căruia Noul Cod civil consacră unele noutăţi. Ne propunem, aşadar, ca, în prezenta lucrare, să relevăm noutăţile aduse de Noul Cod civil în materia supusă analizei noastre şi să apreciem asupra justeţei lor.
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Practica neunitară a instanţelor de judecată reprezintă o realitate inerentă fiecărui sistem judiciar, decurgând în principal din lacunele sau ambiguitatea textelor de lege. Cu toate acestea, fenomenul trebuie restrâns cât mai mult, în primul rând, pentru a asigura calitatea actului de justiţie pentru destinatarul lui. Unificarea practicii judecătoreşti constituie, pe de o parte, un deziderat naţional, iar, pe de altă parte, o cerinţă imperativă a instituţiilor europene adresată Guvernului român. Intrarea în vigoare a Noul Cod de procedură civilă îmbunătăţeşte modalitatea actuală (şi unică în prezent) de combatere a jurisprudenţei neunitare, anume „Recursul în interesul legii” şi introduce un mijloc procedural nou, ce constituie un suport necesar şi util efortului de unificare, respectiv „Sesizarea Înaltei Curţi de Casaţie şi Justiţie în vederea pronunţării unei hotărâri prealabile pentru dezlegarea unor probleme de drept.„ Rămâne de urmărit în ce măsură se va dovedi eficienţa practică a unor astfel de reglementări.
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Studiul nostru îşi propune o analiză evolutivă şi comparativă a instituţiei abuzului de drept, din perspectiva actualei, dar şi a viitoarei reglementări legale, prilej pentru a dezbate condiţiile speciale şi fundamentul răspunderii civile pe care o angajează exercitarea drepturilor subiective. Prin argumentele expuse, am încercat să demonstrăm faptul că este necesară recunoaşterea abuzului de drept ca fiind o ipoteză distinctă de răspundere civilă extracontractuală, care se raportează la un comportament anormal, de natură a cauza inconveniente şi disconfort pentru cei din jurul şi/sau producerea de prejudicii, prin exerciţiul unui drept subiectiv ori doar a unui interes legitim. Născută din răspunderea civilă delictuală, teoria abuzului de drept nu se identifică cu aceasta, motiv pentru care se impun a fi subliniate trăsăturile sale caracteristice, precum şi soluţiile specifice pe care le preconizează. Obiectivul principal al angajării răspunderii civile îl constituie protejarea reală, efectivă a victimei împotriva faptelor abuzive prin asigurarea cadrului juridic pentru reintrarea în normalitate. Aceasta presupune încetarea tuturor acţiunilor sau inacţiunilor ilicite şi revenirea la o conduită conformă cu normele dreptului pozitiv, condiţie esenţială pentru asigurarea armoniei şi ordinii sociale. Problema fundamentării răspunderii civile în cazul abuzului de drept se dovedeşte a fi deosebit de complexă, încercând a decela în ce măsură atitudinea psihică a făptuitorului faţă de faptă şi urmările acesteia constituie sau nu o condiţie esenţială pentru antrenarea obligaţiei de restabilire a echilibrului social distrus. Privită din perspectiva titularului dreptului subiectiv, răspunderea trebuie fundamentată subiectiv, întrucât angajarea răspunderii trebuie să fie justificată de dovedirea unei atitudini maliţioase, răuvoitoare, viclene, prin care acesta urmăreşte direct vătămarea sau prejudicierea altor persoane. În caz contrar, titularul s-ar considera nedreptăţit, dacă şi cea mai neînsemnată neglijenţă a sa ar putea conduce la stabilirea răspunderii pentru faptele sale. Victima se va considera, însă, nedreptăţită, fiind atât de vulnerabilă atât în faţa pericolelor producerii unor consecinţe dăunătoare, cât şi a imposibilităţii dovedirii vinovăţiei persoanei responsabile. O imagine pesimistă în care exerciţiul drepturilor subiective oferă, în caz de abuz, o soluţie inechitabilă în care victima va suporta în mod injust toate consecinţele nefaste ale abuzului.
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