Irregularites dans l’usage de l’onomastique latine en Dacie
This material present some exception regarding roman names in Dacia in period of Roman Empire.
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This material present some exception regarding roman names in Dacia in period of Roman Empire.
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In 2005, in the bronze age settlement form Cârlomăneşti (county Buzău) (Pl. 1- 3) in the Pit no. 41 (Pl. 4-10) which belongs to a late Monteoru level after the associated pottery, was discovered a horn decorated cheek-piece. Conforming to it's form the cheek- piece (Pl. 11) could be integrated in the large category called as Zapfenscheibenknebel. The ornamentation belongs to a class called as Wellenbanddekor. Such cheek-pieces are known in large numbers for Central Europe with discoveries in nord-pontic steppes till Volga River (Pl. 12-16). The same could be said for the Wellenbanddekor. This kind of décor is also well known for others horn or bone objects such as the buttons or tubes, founded in late bronze age settlements belonging to the Otomani-Füzesabony, Wietenberg, Monteoru, Noua and Sabatinovka cultures in the same large area. For the piece from Cârlomăneşti we have a radiocarbon date (Fig. 1). Not far from Cârlomăneşti it's a late Monteoru cemetery at Câmpina (county Prahova), from where we dispose of five radiocarbon dates (Fig. 2). In this way we say that the Pit. 45, with the cheek-piece, from Cârlomăneşti, belongs to a late phase of Monteoru Culture of whose end is illustrated by Câmpina necropolis. Some others radiocarbon dates for the discoveries from Central Europe or nord-pontic steppes confirm that conclusion.
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A good and professional matchmaker has to possess a great amount of data about the future spouses. This information relates to their wealth, qualities, flaws, interests, and possible hereditary diseases. Even though the official attitude states that most marriages in PR China are made out of love without matchmaking, today, as before, matchmakers have prosperous businesses.
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The Chinese culinary tradition holds a special and significant place in the entire domain of Chinese culture. This tradition is part of the fine art of living the Chinese people possess. They are very serious when it comes to food and they consider eating one of the rare pleasures in life. The Chinese have elevated eating to the level of art. For them, food is not just a mean of survival, but the most constant, most reliable, and easiest way to enjoy life.
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Interviews with Tang Guo, Xu Zhen and Yu Youhan.
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With great changes in all aspects of Chinese spirituality, PR China has stepped into the new century. The architecture of modern China has, up to the nineties, been under the influence of the Corbusian concept of city planning, with isolated towers and multistory buildings. During the last decade there has been a radical turn, clusters of apartment houses began to twirl in a snakelike manner, elevate, drop and succumb to the terrain conditions. The Chinese today valorize the right of every man to live decently and comfortably.
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Up to the eighties of the 20th century, modern Chinese drama has mostly relied on the realistic, Ibsen dramatic tradition and Stanislavski theatrical methods. Of course, Brecht, Pinter, Beckett and Ionesco played an important role in the new development of Chinese drama. All this enabled the development of experimental theatre in China, which began to search for new means and ways for the theatrical shaping of reality. Thematically, experimental drama was aimed at the problems of contemporary Chinese society.
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Monetary and mercantile culture, with all the positive and negative consequences they bring, have always played a great role in Chinese civilization, and today that role is probably greater than ever before. The spirit of the Chinese nation, which is usually observed first of all as proverbially philosophical and contemplative, has simultaneously through history shown a great sense for the practical organization of economy and finance. The shape of the Chinese coin, which harmoniously united the geometric figures of the circle and the square, was perceived as a symbolic cosmological validation of the great social and practical importance of money, and thus a specifically Chinese form of a cult was created, in which money obtained divine attributes.
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Pragmatism is the word most often used today when one wishes to describe in a word everything that characterizes the Chinese society, politics and economy. It was necessary to firstly modernize agriculture, performing the needed research in every field separately in order to increase productivity. The next important point was building an infrastructure, including transportation, telecommunications and electro energetic system. There was also a need for education, not only for young people, but also for peasants who could modernize their agricultural production by deploying management and marketing in their daily practice. China was ready to open its doors to the world, which would let in new knowledge, technology, but also foreign competition on the domestic market, as one of the requirements that enabled China to enter the WTO. Even though all aspects of life in China prospered thanks to the economic growth, the gap between the rich coastal areas and poverty-stricken inner parts of China deepened.
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The article critically analyzes the amount of EU financial help donated to Belarus as well as the way the EU aid is distributed among different programs. It focuses at what consequences the extended control of foreign aid to Belarus by state officials brought to the citizens as well as how it affected the EU aid policy. Apart from that, the EU must face another challenge important for the development in Belarus, which is to extend the visa-ban list of the regime representatives whom the Union forbids access to the EU area as well as to increase the number of countries implementing these sanctions. The article also questions the role of the European Commission as such in dealing with countries such as Belarus.
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The role of political elites in EU accession is a central but rather unexplored concern with regard to EU enlargement. It is especially important to consider interactions between European and domestic politics and how these affect elites in their choices. The article looks at the EU's political conditionality by focusing separately on political will and political capacity. This approach is applied to Romania. On the one hand, several elite characteristics there explain the positive outlook of Romanian leaders, although they also reveal an instrumental view of conditionality as a means to achieve EU membership. On the other hand, Romania has had persistent problems of state capacity while party-political interests have with some of the conditions intervened to undermine implementation. The "safeguard clause" imposed at the end of 2004 has produced some results. It is not therefore surprising that the EU has decided to continue monitoring and sanctions in the case of Romania particularly in the light of its stricter conditionality policy since 2004.
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This paper was first published by the Pontis Foundation as Belarus Brief on October 16, 2006 and contains a short summary of the most recent development in Belarus. The last few months – at least on the surface – have brought new changes into the geopolitical policy context of the Belarus case. First, Russia is increasing its pressure on Belarus – the promised gas price hike, the freshly revealed suggestion to blockade Belarusian goods by the Russian Ministry of Economic Development and Trade but it can not afford to “lose” its closest ally before the 2008 Presidential Elections.
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In order to enhance the EU’s visibility as an international political player and eradicate the deficiencies in the EU’s foreign policy instruments that aim at promoting democracy, Meckel proposes the creation of a “European Foundation for Democracy” (EFD). The EU is obliged to support democratic movements outside the EU. The article demonstrates the need for such an institution on the case of Belarus. It shows how the EU lacks instruments effectively to promote democratic change in countries which have no perspective for membership in the near future and outlines the structure and potential tasks of the EFD as a new instrument of European foreign policy.
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The EU is still at the beginning of the path towards a cohesive and effective Belarus policy. Democratization of Belarus should be the main goal for the EU and can only take place as a result of changing the government in this country. Now the EU needs to say openly that Belarus is a special case among the neighbours of the Union and could elaborate a special strategy towards the country, different from the existing ENP strategy. The Belarusian issue should not be a strictly European affair. Transatlantic co-operation with the US especially but also with Canada is needed. The Belarus question influences the EU and the US relations with Russia. It seems that the tensions between the EU and the USA on the one hand and Russia on the other hand will grow in the future due to further existence of the Lukashenko regime and the Kremlin’s support for it.
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In March 2006, Lukashenko retained the power and secured himself yet another five years of term not as a result of the election but because of the perfected system of preventing any real election. The election and the activities of the authorities afterwards merely confirmed the nature of the regime in Belarus. After the election the regime continued and intensified its repression against opposition and in general against the rights and freedoms of the people of Belarus. However, despite the administrative, police and propaganda measures the Belarusian opposition and civil society managed to produce a real challenge to the existing status quo. Notwithstanding the massive campaign of intimidation the civil society of Belarus publicly challenged the regime. In general, it could be said that the mood in favor of changes has strengthened. For the eventual success of democracy a strong emphasis on democratic principles and values is required.
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Review: Book by Joerg Forbrig, David R. Marples, and Pavol Demeš (eds.). Bratislava: German Marshall Fund of the United States, 2006.
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For a long time, Russia’s relationship with Belarus was an obvious exclusion from the Moscow’s CIS policy mainstream: while the model of full-fledged relations between the independent states was implemented as a basis for most post-Soviet countries, the relations with Belarus remained a “domestic matter”, and were hardly institutionalized at all. There was a sound explanation to this exclusion: Russia and Belarus declared an intention to build a common state in 1996, and this was the reason for Russia to keep the gas prices for Belarus reduced for years. The “transitional” status of Belarus was also the reason for Russia to pay the political costs for the support of the “last dictatorship in Europe” – the situation was perceived to be a temporary one, and all “was to be fixed” after the expected unification. The article analyses in depth the logic and structure of the Russia-Belarus relations, reveals the hidden, non-obvious tendencies of their development and outlines the possible scenario of the future.
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