Ks. prof. zw. dr hab. Andrzej Pankowicz (13 kwietnia 1950 -1 lutego 2011)
In memoriam to Andrzej Pankowicz (1950-2011)
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In memoriam to Andrzej Pankowicz (1950-2011)
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The article analyses the current directions of the policy conducted by Belarus vis -á -vis the former Soviet republics. Three main problems are outlined therein: the external and internal conditioning factors of the policy, its priorities, and activities in different spheres of bilateral relations. Firstly, as regards the external conditioning factors, the stress has been placed on presenting the most important interests of Russia and the European Union vis -á -vis Minsk. The analysis of internal factors encompasses historical and cultural, political and constitutional, as well as socioeconomic layers. Secondly, the article presents the priorities of Belarusian foreign policy as laid down in strategic state documents and official speeches by the president – i.a., these are: the “multi -vector” character of the foreign policy, its “economization” (dominance of economic dimension over other spheres of foreign relations), and – last but not least – widely defined security (i.a. in the field of energy). Finally, the analysis features the current state of Belarus’ relations with other former Soviet republics, covering the political, economic and security and military aspects thereof. Among the post -Soviet states a special position in Minsk’s policy is attributed to Russia, followed by Ukraine. Relations with the rest of the states are of lesser importance to Belarus. However, recent years have seen a visible growth in their dynamics, which can be, to a large extent, ascribed to the efforts made towards diversification of international ties in the context of growing tension in Minsk’s relations with Moscow.
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General Wladyslaw Sikorski (1881 -1943), the Prime Minister Of The Republic Of Poland (1922/23; 1939 -1943) and the General Commander Of Polish Allied Forces (1939 -1943). As an active participant of politics in the Mid – War Period he created a new vision of the geopolitical deal in the Middle Eastern Europe based on both, the Christian Democracy values the principle of a peaceful existence of nations. His attitude headed for the elimination of the imperial threat coming from Germany and the USSR and establishing the new European order where the political and economic cooperation of small countries from between The Baltic and the Adriatic Sea would become an essence of vertically – oriented alliance. Even though his vision seemed to be partly similar to the H. Mackinder’s World Island Theory, especially in the context of the role of the small nations in Europe, Sikorski managed to add some new features like the idea of Christian morality against the totalitarian barbarity or the linking all the involved national territories with the modern communication network. The Gibraltar’s crash did not mean the end of Sikorski’s conception. In a sense it gave rise to Wyszehrad’s Triangle partnership after the Iron Curtain was fallen and became crucial to the political efforts focused on Polish participation in the European Union.
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The involvement of the Polish Armed Forces in international operations in the first decade of the twenty -first century has increased the interest in the military as an instrument of foreign and security policy of Poland. During the 10 years since it had to operate within the NATO military mission, the European Union, “Coalition of the Willing” and in UN peacekeeping operations. This meant the necessity to equip it with the adequate forces and provided opportunities for effective execution of the tasks posed, not only the military. On the other hand, it required a proper decision where to send Polish army abroad. It was and still is the more important because it absorbs significant costs – both financial and material, like a human lifes, and often meets with opposition from the public opinion. Despite significant international engagement in expeditionary operations in 2009 adopted “Strategy of the Armed Forces participation in international operations”. The purpose of this article is to present the basic concepts and implementations during the first year of its adoption. It also helps to draw a conclusion on both – content and application, taking into consideration the usefulness of the army as an instrument of foreign policy.
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The main goal of this article is to present the ideas of two polish conservative political parties: Christian National Union and Conservative People’s Party, concerning state reforms. The author of the article outlines the history of both political parties in the 90’s. and indicates the significance of impact that Young Poland Movement, as common source for both political parties, had on them. As far as state reforms are concerned, the author compares the ideas of mentioned political parties and emphasizes these concerning political system, executive power, national economy, public finance system, local government and issue of traditional values. Moreover, the main similar elements and also main differences are being underlined.
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The Lusatian Sorbs are the Slavic national minority, which does not have its own state. They live in the Upper Lusatia belonging to Saxony and in the Lower Lusatia under control of Brandenburg. The Lusatian Sorbs’ cultural rights are guaranteed by the law. In Saxony these are the Constitution of the union county as well as the Law about Lusatian Sorbs’ Rights in the Free Country of Saxony from March 31st 1999 that confer the Lusatian legislative power and privileges. These people show their political commitment on the local, regional as well as on the nation-wide level. Since 1995 the Free Sorbian Electoral Association (in Upper Sorbian language: Swobodne serbske wolerske zjednoćenstwo – SSWZ) has been established in Saxony. In every election the organization introduced one councillor to the district council. Lusatian Sorbs from Saxony are the representatives in the councils of communes, the district of Bautzen, in the Saxon Parliament and in the Bundestag. The Lusatian Sorb, Stanislaw Tilich, holds the position of the prime minister of Saxony. The majority of Sorbian politicians from Saxony, which are councillors in districts or representatives of the Parliament or Bundestag, belongs to the German political parties. This nation fights constantly for the statutory rights, also by taking part in demonstrations and protests.
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Citizenship embraces axiological as well as praxeological qualities of a subject. Both these aspects could be reflected upon and practiced in the educational process. Assuming that citizenship is the core of civil society, the fundamental question is the content of the contemporary citizenship and the proper forms of its dissemination with respect to individual reflectivity and autonomy. The civic learning with the central position of the active and reflective learning subject supported by educator seems to meet this conditions. The purpose of the paper is to indicate the potential of the museums in facilitating the process of civic learning and to exemplify it with several cases providing the methods supportive to civil society.
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This article examines the model of integration policy in Sweden. The case of Sweden has been taken as an example of relatively effective way of constructing an integrated multiethnic and multicultural society. Sweden during the 20th century underwent a dramatic transformation, from an ethnically and culturally homogeneous country, becoming in short time multiethnic and multicultural. Swedish integration policy is being discussed here from two perspectives: from the historical one concentrating on the origin and evolution, applied ideology, intellectual background of the main actors and creators, and from the contemporary perspective including aspects like: financial and social costs, arrangement of work market, education, competence evaluation and NGOs involvement.
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In order to understand the significance of the Tractarian Movement in Oxford, one has to examine the political and religious context of Europe after the French Revolution. Particularly, the author of the article outlines the situation in Great Britain in the first half of the 19th century and the meaning of its parliamentary reforms. Then, one can understand the Tractarian Movement as a conservative reaction against liberal changes within the Church and State. The leaders of the Movement (R.H. Froude, J. Keble, J.H. Newman, E.B. Pusey) tried to oppose the admission of dissenters into the English parliament, the State’s Erastian polity and decrease of the Church of England’s authority. Their publications lead to unexpected conclusions about the position of the Church of England and its authority. Some of these conclusions undermined the constitution of the English established Church, as they looked in favour of the doctrines of the Church of Rome: one of these doctrines was institutional separation of Church and State.
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The differences in recognizing what we see (because of the different significances of reality) ask for an analytical approach of clarifying the language of science (of facts) and theology (of values), in order to see how a theologian can speak of one Truth (the Kingdom of God) inaccessible to scientific knowledge.
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Two philosophical arguments, e.g. that the meaning of an expression transcends its use and that the human arithmetical thinking is not entirely algorithmic (the argument Lucas/Penrose) base their theses on Gödel's first incompleteness theorem. But both in these arguments and in some of their criticisms the word "true" is often used ambiguous: it swings between a licit metamathematical use and an illicit transfer of it in a formal system. The aim of this paper is to show the way these arguments are connected, via G-type sentences (sect 2), and how do we argue that the sentence G, albeit unprovable in PA, is true, by using non-conservative extensions of PA with reflections (sect 3). And this without any illicit use of “true”.
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Unlike truth values that, accordingly to the principles of logic, are only two, there can be distinguished three values of opinion for a proposition: acceptance, rejection and indifference. Still, the attempt to build a three-valued logic of opinion comes to the paradox that there are tautologies that are not accepted. We can avoid the paradox if we use a complex representation of the opinion values, through analogy with complex numbers. The logic of opinion is a kind of complex logic.
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This philosophical-algebraic presentation aimed at a simple and concise exposition of notions and demonstrations, especially in class algebra. The demonstrations were constructed so that they configure the epistemological objectives on a logical linguistic level, of interest for this analysis: conceptual clarifications and the loading of logical symbols with mathematical signification. My hypothesis is that the propositions of logic have no mathematical content, but become propositions of mathematics, just as, by a different level analogy, propositions of mathematics become propositions of physics. Thus, within the scope of this analysis, a meaningless logical proposition becomes a “mathematical proposition”, a proposition with “mathematical signification” by the loading of logical symbols with mathematical significations. As a result, mathematics is regarded here as more than the Wittgensteinian meaning of mathematics as a method of logic
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The author of the article discusses pragmatic functions of honorifics ‘excuse me’, ‘please’, ‘you are welcome’, ‘thank you’ in Polish and compare them with Russian language etiquette. Her aim is to reveal the potential sources of failures in gaining sociocultural competences by the Russians studying Polish and to define potential linguistic and cultural misunderstandings.
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The author of the article considers the importance of a note in education as well as in social and professional life and therefore she decides to reinterpret its function from two points of view: a traditional one existing in didactics (note ensures durability of the results of teaching) and from a perspective of media communication and digital reality that in many cases lead to reinterpretation and redefinition of many fixed opinions. Having defined such field of interest, the author of the article presents a note from a perspective of dominating today particular Polonistic concept of education. She presents taking notes as multistage process of gaining skills to write texts and proposes effective model of working on a note in a class (defined in stages and conditions) – while a student matures to his own textual activity.
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The article presents the most important changes in the contemporary literary criticism and the ways in which they influence thinking of Polish education among foreigners. The author concentrates above all on teaching Polish literature and culture; he begins with reflection on the very essence and aim of teaching Polish literature to foreigners, then he discusses the main problems and doubts that an educator nowadays must face. He describes also different possible models of Polish literary and cultural education designed for foreigners.
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The author of the article poses a question concerning adequacy of research proposals inspired by the circle called ‘the ethic of reading’ and ‘theological return’. She points out to the fact that questions concerning axiology of reading, that have been recently considered old-fashioned, are the classical problems of humanistics today. It results from the notion of interference between different disciplines, but above all from the fact that ethical response to the work of literature is an integral element of individual reading. Ethics appears in readers mind before poetics. It makes possible uniting a reader (that has been wrongly divided into an emotional and a suspicious kind) into one subject of multiple reading experience. Powerful institutions of a text are based after all on individual reading of a subject that experiences, understands and evaluates the text.
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The article is aimed at discussing the problem of teaching Polish as a foreign language to the children and teenagers of Polish origin. The authors point out to the specific situation of teaching bilingual children and present several contexts (socio-cultural, intercultural, psychological and pedagogical, local) that determine the character of such teaching aid as a textbook for children who want to learn Polish as a second language. The authors of the article discuss components of such textbook and methods of preparing them using their own work (a textbook Bawimy się w polski 1) as an example. They also present certain examples of developing an inspiration (for example an intercultural one) that this textbook contains.
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