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This article addresses the issue of violence and union radicalism. It starts fromthe observation of the radicalization of trade union demands often punctuated by all kinds of violence to focus on the main causes of this extremism. On one hand, the influence of revolutionary ideologies on the trade unions is presentedas the first motive and, on the other hand, it is the will to return to Luddite activism that is indicated as the second motive. It is recommended that the union be participatory and put itself above political ideologies.
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The aim of this paper is to evaluate how the economic gulf between advanced and less-developed countries might be narrowed by analysing the progress of their economies in historical perspective. It is an important question for the 21st century whether countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America are capable of economic convergence with the West. To answer this question we need an understanding of both economics and history. It has often been argued that the international distribution of wealth between the rich (industrialised) and poor (primary producing) countries will be narrowed or closed as a result of a trickle-down process from the technologically-advanced countries to the poor countries. This paper analyses this claim using a quantitative methodology built on data from international institutions such as the OECD, IMF and World Bank. It finds that during the last three decades there have been huge economic changes globally: structural arrangements and patterns of trade have changed in both advanced and developing countries. However, while some developing countries have achieved faster growth rates than the advanced economies – particularly China, India, Indonesia, and Turkey – most developing countries have not been able to catch up with the economies of the developed world.
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Fouskas, Vassilis and Bulent Gokay (2019). The Disintegration of Euro-Atlanticism and New Authoritarianism, Palgrave Macmillan: London, (221 pp, ISBN: 978-3-319-96817-9). Reviewed by Ahmet Erdi Ozturk, London Metropolitan University, United Kingdom. Halstead, Narmala (2019). Competing Power: Landscapes of Migration, Violence and the State. New York: Berghahn Books (256 pp, ISBN: 978-178533-992-9). Reviewed by Burçe Orhan, Sakarya University, Department of Sociology, Turkey and Georg-Augst University Goettingen, Department of Sociology, Germany.
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This article measures the level of financial literacy in the rural areas of Vietnam. The financial literacy is usually concerned by financial institutions and government organizations. This is considered to be an indicator that contributes to the assessment of the quality and potential growth of the financial system. In the article the determinants of financial literacy in Vietnam are identified. In result the authors propose a designed financial literacy enhancement programme for implementation.
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The analysis in this article provides an overview of the research on the current relations among countries of the South China Sea basin. For this purpose, I have decided to apply the geopolitical research workshop, focusing on its contemporary approach. On the one hand, this work uses the available indicators and index to gauge the level of development, economic and demographic potential, and military expenditure of these states. On the other hand, an effort was made to analyze and measure power, taking into account the changing geopolitical status of countries in this sub-region. Contemporary geopolitics in this context allows to verify the scale of the impact on permanent environmental and geographic factors (e.g. publicized investments carried out by the People’s Republic of China in Mischief Reef, Fiery Cross, Subi Reef and Woody Island) and the elaboration of proposals going beyond the classical, geopolitical framework (morphological, political and military factors). Therefore, this article also includes the use of geopolitical codes to assess the current strategies of these countries and to describe potential scenarios of actors’ behaviour in the sub-region.
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The article concerns the matter connected with relations between political rhetoric and unethical manipulation leading to success in public sphere. The research tool are references to the tradition of classical ethics and to modern philosophers like Derrida and Hannah Arendt. The background of discussion is offensive nature of public discourse and decline of political tactics striving for the common good. I am also referring to the significance of lie in European culture from era of Homer to our times. In this context, the most difficult question to discuss is the exact definition of a political lie, because it is hard to refer a true/ false dichotomy regarding political worldviews. In conclusion I am presenting the research methodology that distinguishes manipulation from sound political action.
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Strategic management is undoubtedly one of the most debated concepts of general management, this being due to the success organizations around the world which have put it into practice have registered. More and more papers on the management of health facilities have come out, both internationally and nationally. However, in Romania, most of these papers skipped strategic management approach to healthcare and those that don’t, however, limit themselves to macroeconomic approach or describe the concept in general terms, without singularize it for hospitals. However, in the Romanian practice there is a progress in terms of concern for the strategic management of the health system, this being ascribed to the creation of uniform management standards for all hospitals in Romania, but also to the emergence of institutions responsible for training in health management. Accordingly, this paper aims to outline an overview of the current state of the strategic management practice in public hospitals in Romania, the information being useful to decision makers both at the microeconomic level, directly involved in hospital management, and at the macroeconomic level, charged with the overall health system management
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On December 6, 2018, academics from across Europe and beyond gathered at London’s Freud Museum for a conference on the politics, policies and diplomacy of diaspora governance. This conference was organised by Senior Research Fellow Dr Bahar Baser from the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations (CTPSR), Coventry University, UK and Dr Henio Hoyo, Research Professor from the Department of Social Sciences/School of Law and Social Sciences, Universidad de Monterrey (UDEM) Monterrey, Mexico.
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Effective information management is a strategic fundamental tool for good governance in our modern states and organizations. To effectively achieve this, one must acquire some basic conceptual skills, human skills and technical skills. Similarly, the user of information must know and understand informational roles interpersonal roles, and decisional roles in the face of globalization to create a learning state. Through extensive review of current articles, periodicals, government documents textbooks, and the internet as secondary data, were generated to develop the conceptual framework for this paper on which the entire work is built on. Observations and personal interview were also used as primary data to re-enforce the secondary data gathered through desk research. The paper observed that time, content and form as the three fundamental broad characteristics of useful information are negatively out of place leading to low quality information for development of strategic plans in Nigeria toward good governance. In view, the paper recommends self-appraisal by all the governments and the governed for effective management of information to serve as a tool for good governance as well as purposeful leadership with a strong political will to be perused with tenacity. Finally, the paper vehemently advocates that there be a true transfer of responsibilities and resources from central government to other governments and developed networks between governments and other state actors such as the civil society, communities, nongovernmental associations and international organization.
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This paper intends to advance thinking on the catalysts of V4 railway policy making by offering an overview of the nature and directions of spillovers triggering joint Visegrád railway projects. The Czech, the Hungarian, the Polish and the Slovak governments help each other adopt international railway traffic standards and legislation as the Visegrád Cooperation provides a forum to agree on lobbying positions within international organisations. By citing real-life examples of V4 railway cooperation supporting the neofunctionalist or the liberal intergovernmentalist theoretical frameworks, the paper shall contribute to the better understanding of the spillover phenomena in Central Eastern Europe, while seeking answers on how international railway policies shape the Visegrád Cooperation’s transport strategies through different spillovers. The paper concludes that in Visegrád countries, spillovers are primarily driven by governmental actions that serve as mediators of market, civil society, and financial needs. However, spillovers would hardly take place without the EU’s legal-institutional framework.
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With this new configuration of the world stage, the meaning of security has changed. Entire areas are hit by states tension, lability and conflict, poverty and frustration that give birth or favor proliferation of new risks and threats. The aim of this paper is to analyze different evolutions of security from a comparative perspective. The main objective is to show the progress stage of security from the beginning of Juncker’s Commission mandate to the end of the legislative and what are the directions of this subject in the future. As a methodological outline, is used a comparative approach with emphasis on the historical evolution of ‘security’. There are used specific instruments such as: official documents, statistical data, private documents, data already available from others studies and press materials. Findings of the study may help the policy makers to increase the citizens’ confidence in action instruments of the European Union by focusing on the minuses of the Common Security and Defence Policy.
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In recent years, much has been said and written about the Chinese BRI (Belt and Road initiative): the mainly discussed issues relating to its economic benefits for the participating countries and the possible impact in the global and regional balance of power. However, relatively little attention has been paid paid to the risks and problems affecting the success of the initiative in the long term. The diverse cultural, religious, economic, and socio-political situation in countries along BRI routes contributes to the inevitable and inherent risks and challenges for the project, both domestically and internationally. It may mean that in order to implement BRI, China will have to deal with powerful global competitors and some influential regional powers, which implies a new geopolitical rivalry in Eurasia and the struggle for global influence. With the expansion of coverage to more than 70 countries, some concerns and complaints have arisen regarding BRI that have received wide publicity. In the expert community and the mass media, mainly in the West, we increasingly see comments on the growing problems of BRI and even forecasts of the possible refusal of developing countries to participate in BRI, due to their unwillingness to become an economic, raw material and financial appendage to the Middle Kingdom. According to critics of the Chinese initiative, previously optimistic participants of BRI will “soon realize” that all promises about the benefits of the project for their economies are greatly exaggerated, therefore they will have to reconsider their financial terms of agreements with the Chinese partners.
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The research is carried out through the prism of geopolitics and reveals the "logic" and the essence of „The Belt and Road Initiative“. It outlines its basic ideas and goals. The study justifies and proves the (hypo)thesis that despite the apparent "leadership" of the economic events, the political and geopolitical aspects (vectors) of the project are linked to the economy. The economy does not function on its own way, but is formulated, supported by policy and used for political purposes, i.e., the project in its deep essence is political. The political nature of „The Belt and Road Initiative“ is expressed in the following: it is an attempt to find in internal policy a mechanism to preserve the political power of the Communist Party and to continue the existence of the dominant political system - the totalitarian (one-party) political system in the PRC. The geopolitical task is to find the „place“ of modern China in the global world. The goal is to restore the central ("middle") location of China in the 21st century world. „The Silk Road“ is one of the directions for its realization and the means for its achievement are complex - the „most obvious“ are theactions in the economic sphere, but equally important are the military, diplomatic, cultural factors and impacts. In conclusion, it is argued that „The Belt and Road Initiative“ will be realized as an optimal, reasonable balance between the „desired“ and the „possible“ and will be specified in the adoption of the formula „Great Eurasia“, i.e., in the transformation of China into a regional (regional-global, global-regional) center, the „middle empire“ of the Eurasian supercontinent, the largest and most powerful geopolitical and geo-economic power center in the future „multipolar“ or more likely „bipolar“ („West-Sea“ - „East-Еarth“) world from the middle and the end of the 21st century.
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The article analyzes the European and Russian structural approaches to countering the processes of radicalization, as well as the emergence of extremism and terrorism. The results of a survey held among 539 respondents were analyzed to study the Russian practice of countering extremism and terrorism. All the risk mitigation methods should be divided into three levels, according to which countermeasures are ranked from soft to more severe, depending on the degree of radicalization of an individual. Each type of countermeasures is most efficient at its level. The study of the available contribution provides an opportunity to start developing more efficient measures to mitigate the risk of extremism and terrorism and to develop a comprehensive strategy.
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Civil wars in Darfur or Syria showed what the global effects of migration could be and proved the importance of creation of multi-stakeholder partnerships. The consensus is not easy to find but only a global partnership for the migration climatic challenge can create proper conditions for successful and sustainable action. The European Union should assume its leading role in establishing a universal approach of “climate migrations”, based on its fundamental values: respect of human rights and global security. This article reviews the efforts to develop the understanding of the importance of global and cross-organisational involvement regarding migration in the context of climate changes. It highlights the initial effort to regulate and define the concepts of migration and refugees’ seekers by international organisations. More specifically, the article concentrates on more recent efforts to formulate common actions and policies crossing the European Union borders and passing by the international organisations and NGO’s involved in this matter
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THE AUTHOR ADDRESSES A TOPICAL ISSUE AT EUROPEAN LEVEL, NAMELY THE EVOLUTION OF THE SECURITY EQUATION AT THE CONTINENTAL LEVEL DETERMINED BY THE NEW WAVE OF REFUGEES FROM THE MIDDLE EAST. IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE PHENOMENA ASSOCIATED WITH THE PROBLEM, WE REVIEW THE SECURITY CLIMATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AT THE END OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY, MAINLY DETERMINED BY THE MANIFESTATION OF AN INCREASING HOSTILITY OF NATIONALISM AND THAT CONECTED WITH ARABIA, AGAINST THE SERIOUS PROBLEMS, WITH DIFFERENT CAUSALITY, WHICH ARE FOUND IN MOST COUNTRIES IN THE REGION, WHICH HAVE POTENTIATED THE TERRORIST PHENOMENON, AFFECTING THE ECONOMIC AND SECURITY OF MANY STATES IN THE REGION AND GENERATING A NEW SECURITY THREAT, RESPECTIVELY THE PHENOMENON OF ILLEGAL MIGRATION OF IMPORTANT GROUPS PEOPLE OF ISLAMIC RELIGION TO THE WESTERN COUNTRIES OF THE OLD EUROPEAN CONTINENT. THE AUTHOR ADDRESSES THE ISSUES WICH ARISES FROM THE RECENT DECISIONS OF THE AUTHORITIES IN ANKARA TO OPEN NATIONAL BORDERS TO ALLOW REFUGEES ON THE TERRITORY OF TURKEY TO TRAVEL TO DESTINATIONS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION, DOING A GEOPOLITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CAUSES THAT HAVE GENERATED THE STATE OF AFFAIRS, OF THE MEASURES THAT ARE REQUIRED IN ORDER TO MANAGE THE SITUATION AND THE POSSIBLE CONSEQUENCES IN SECURITY AT EUROPEAN LEVEL.
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THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION BROUGHT FORWARD A NEW FRAMEWORK FOR MULTILATERAL COOPERATION INSPIRED BY THE MODELS OF THE WESTERN WORLD SUCH AS EUROPEAN UNION`S SINGLE MARKET OR NAFTA. THIS NEW LANDSCAPE STARTED TO EMERGE FROM THE PREVIOUS EXISTING BILATERAL AGREEMENTS WHICH PAVED THE ROAD AHEAD FOR A REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION PROCESS, COMMONLY KNOWN AS A FREE TRADE AREA, BUT THE DIFFICULT NEGOTIATING POSITIONS OF THE MEMBER STATES GAVE LITTLE SUPPORT FOR THE CREATION OF A PROPER COMMON MARKET AMONG THEM. THE PRESENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE REGION REMAINED DOMINANT, SINCE ALMOST ALL FORMS OF TRADE PARTNERSHIPS AND FORMAL AGREEMENTS NEEDED ITS SUPPORT OR GUIDANCE. OF ALL THE FORMS OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION, OUR ARTICLE FOCUSES ON THE ORGANIZATION FOR DEMOCRACY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (GUAM), THE ONLY REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT ARCHITECTURE OF WHICH RUSSIA IS NOT PART OF. USING ANALYTICAL GRAPHS, WE ARGUE THAT ALBEIT DIFFERENT FORMS OF ECONOMIC INTEGRATION, THE TRADE FLOWS FOLLOW THE INTERNATIONAL TRENDS AND THUS THE GUAM COMMERCIAL TIES ARE BASED MOSTLY ON PROXIMITY AND HISTORICAL LINKAGES RATHER THAN FREE TRADE AREA AGREEMENTS.
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THROUGHOUT TIME, THE RELIGIOUS PHENOMENON HAS BEEN ONE OF THE MOST CONTROVERSIAL TOPICS OF ANALYSIS AND THE TARGET OF MULTIPLE SOCIAL PERCEPTIONS. STARTING AS THE BINDING AGENT OF THE ARCHAIC COMMUNITIES, WHICH LATER GENERATED VARIOUS TYPES OF COMMUNITIES , TO BEING THE SOURCE OF CONFLICT OR TERRORISM ACTS, RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS HAVE BEEN PRESENT, MORE OR LESS NOTICEABLY, IN ALL THE HISTORICAL STAGES OF THE HUMAN SOCIETY AS A CONTRIBUTING FACTOR IN THE PROCESS OF DEFINING CERTAIN SOCIO-POLITICAL STRATEGIES OF THE WORLD'S NATIONS. VACILLATING FROM VITUPERATION TO APPRECIATION, THE RELIGIOUS PHENOMENON HAS FOLLOWED A SINUSOIDAL PATH, YET IT REMAINED A CONSTANT OF SOCIAL LIFE IN ANY HISTORICAL ERA, AND, MOST OFTEN, A CONSTANT WITHIN POLITICS. THE PHENOMENON OF RELIGIOUS RESURGENCE IS NO LONGER A NOVELTY, BUT HAS BECOME AN IMPORTANT FACTOR IN VARIOUS AREAS OF SOCIETY. AND THIS GENERATES AT LEAST ONE IMPORTANT QUESTION: HOW DO WE RELATE TO THE RELIGIOUS PHENOMENON IN A POST-MODERN SOCIETY THAT CONSIDERS ITSELF SECULAR AND HUMANIST, WHILE CONTINUING TO BE MULTICULTURAL AND MULTI-RELIGIOUS?THE THESIS OF THIS STUDY STARTS WITH THE ASSUMPTION THAT THE PHENOMENON OF RELIGIOUS RESURGENCE HAS BROUGHT CHANGES AT THE LEVEL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, INFLUENCING THE STRATEGIES AND POLITICAL DECISIONS IN THE INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL POLITICS. THE AIM OF THE PRESENT STUDY REVOLVES AROUND THE ASSERTION THAT THERE IS A RELATIONSHIP OF INTERDEPENDENCE BETWEEN THE RESURGENCE OF RELIGION AND THE INTERNAL AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. THIS STUDY ENDEAVORS TO DISCUSS THE DIMENSIONS OF THIS RELATION, AS WELL AS A FEW EMPIRICAL ASPECTS.
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Review of: Veljko Blagojević, Defense Diplomacy – Concept, Legal Basis, Organization, Academic Publishing, 2017
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