„…wyłączyć z Polonii temat Polaków w ZSRR” – posiedzenie kolegium MSZ z 8 kwietnia 1978 r.

Author(s): Piotr Dlugolecki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 5-6/2010

The document presented below contains the minutes of a session of MoFA College of Senior Officials of 8 April 1978, and an appendix thereto, drawn up in March of that year under the title Information on the present state of, and prospects for, cooperation with the Polish diaspora. Produced by MoFA’s Consular Department and Polonia Association for Contacts with Polish Diaspora, the Information was to be submitted to the Politburo of the Polish United Workers Party.

„Întoarcerea la Comunitate”. O privire sociologică asupra unei înclinaţii conservatoare

Author(s): Cristian-Ion POPA / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 153/2010

This study provides a critical analysis of the conservative ideological inclination which claims a „return to Community”. To this end, he presents the classic work of German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) by applying the analytical perspective offered by contemporary sociologists such as Robert A. Nisbet and Raymond Boudon.

„Америка и Россия: общие корни философии (американская попытка сопоставления)”

Author(s): Marek Styczynski / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„Достоевский о Европе”

Author(s): Valerii Mildon / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„Европа - христианская сверхнация в объединяющемся мире?

Author(s): Evert Zweerde van der / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„Европейский Союз и его место в современной мировой системе (world-system)”

Author(s): Hans-Heinrich Nolte / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„Ин–Лајн“ Религија: Инвентивна Примена Нових Информативних И Комуникацијских Технологија У Пастирском Деловању Католичке Цркве У Нигерији

Author(s): Walter C. Ihejirika / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2008

In my researches in the field of media religion and culture, I have made extensive comparative analyses of the Catholic and Pentecostal churches in Nigeria and their different communication strategies. This paper highlights the appropriation of the new information and communication technologies by these two Christian denominations in Nigeria. Special attention is paid to the Catholic Church, because, unlike the Pentecostal denominations which see media technologies as an extension of the church pulpit, the Catholic Church has generally exhibited a somewhat cold attitude towards these instruments of mass communication. This attitude goes back to the advent of cinema which the Church’s hierarchy then saw as having the potential of corrupting faith and moral. The Catholic Church has remained largely a print-based Church, investing most of her communication energy in the print media and in oral catechism. But in recent years, this negative attitude of the Church has started to change. Of all the technologies of mass communication, none has been so instantly accepted and embraced by the Catholic Church as the new information and communication technologies. Using the Mater Cyberworld, (a cyber-café founded by the Ahiara Mbaise Catholic Diocese in Eastern Nigeria), as a case, this paper highlights some distinctive characteristics of the Catholic Church’s involvement in the new information and communication technologies. The analysis shows that this media appropriation is one of the means through which the Catholic Church establishes a strong presence in the Nigerian socio-political sphere.

„МЕКА" МОЋ ВЛАДАРА НОВОГ ДОБА

Author(s): Vesna Stankovic Pejnovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2014

Циљ рада је показати прикривен заокрет од демократије ка корпоративној власти као процеса стварања новог света, обликованог од стране владајуће класе чија финанцијска и политичка моћ користи све најважније комуникацијске институције модерног друштва. Та нова елита протеже своју друштвену моћ деловањем на транснационалном нивоу и не изражава интересе поједине националне државе. Они шире своју меку моћ кроз међународне економске институције (СТО) политичку/војну (НАТО) или културолошким или идеолошким достигнућима (ЕУ, либерализам) користећи разне облике индиректне или директне облике контроле како би успоставили неолибералну агенду диљем целог света и проузрокујући систематске промене. Иако постоје снажни отпори тим трендовима, садашњи процеси ће бити само одгођени, али не и заустављени јер они само представљају логичну последицу саме динамике система. Владајуће елите користе високе вредности пропаганде и меке моћи у својој намери да „убеде“ појединце и земље у њиховој имплементацији. У раду је кориштен приступ истраживања основног значења Новог доба и владавине владајуће класе и утицаја њене меке моћи у њиховој међусобној корелацији. Закључак рада је да нова владајућа класа остварује свој циљ стварајући једну светску владу коришћењем своје меке моћи. Током времена ће националне државе постојати, али са умањеном суверености. Њихова моћ се преноси на нову транснационалну владајућу класу која на глобалном нивоу делује на дуалним основама „управљања кризом“ и глобалним планирањем са циљем успоставе међународне „технократске диктатуре“ у постиндустријском, информацијском друштву.

„Мучеништво“ Тамилских Тигрова У Шри Ланки – Вера У Самоубиство Ради Стварања Државе

Author(s): Shanthikumar Hettiarachchi / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2007

The article focuses on the ‘suicide-martyrdom’ deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the ‘Sinhala hegemony’. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the ‘terrorising other’ whose ‘acts of violence’ must be terminated. It is performed not as an act of violence, but a resolute sacrifice for the sake of compatriots and their freedom. The author draws some aspects from the research and writings of Peter Schalk and Michael Roberts who have addressed the same subject area on martyrdom as a form of secular resistance, and the latter, on religious aspects in the military formation of a suicide striker and in the aftermath of the mission. He argues that the reconstruction of an astute faith in suicide and its ritualisation as a well crafted political tool and as a powerful means to instil fear psychosis in the enemy for the creation of a separate state.

„О некоторых тенденциях в развитии общеевропейской безопасности и сотрудничества”

Author(s): Vagif Guseinov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„ОРАНЖЕВАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ” И МОСКОВСКИЙ ПАТРИАРХАТ

Author(s): Igor Greckij / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1-2/2008

„Планшетное сознание” как субъективная составляющая „рационального насилия” в глобализированном мире

Author(s): Wadym Slusar / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 52/2015

The author introduces to the scientific revolution the term "tablet consciousness" in the context of the research of problems of realization of violence in the modern world. "Tablet consciousness" is viewed as a subjective component of an indirect form of violence; the main tool is a rational awareness by individuals of the necessity and the inevitability of violence ("rational violence"). The meaning of "tablet consciousness" is revealed in the context of the postpanopticon model of functioning of society. Identified and analyzed the following main features of the "tablet consciousness": replacement of a learning process on the consumption of information and knowledge staging process, focusing on the opinion of an "expert", the cult of lightness as a key of life meaning installations and cynicism.

„Позитивна биополитика” у 21. веку?

Author(s): Bogdana Koljevic / Language(s): English / Issue: Vol.19/3+4/2011

In the first part of this article the author reflects on the philosophical theories of biopolitics in works of Michael Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, articulating the ideas of biopolitics as neoliberalism i.e. of biopolitics as permanency of the state of exception. In spite significant differences in their conceptual projects, in both cases biopolitics appears as the ultimate carrier of contemporary techniques of governing, as the power which rules over law, politics, philosophy and life as such. In the second part, coming from recent theories of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, the author questions the potentialities of rethinking the live image of positive biopolitics, of multitude and the common, and the possibilites which are emerging in societies of the 21. century. In conclusion, Marx’s idea of true democracy is presented in this context, as the philosophical and political name which is seen in the light of resistence to the empire and as a new positive biopolitics.

„Поможет ли нам Запад?”

Author(s): Vladimir Kantor / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„Ситуация в Беларуси”

Author(s): Jakov Okun,Vladzimir Sudak / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

„СОЦИЈАЛДЕМОКРАТСКА" ЛЕВИЦА У СРБИЈИ: АКТЕРИ И МОГУЋНОСТИ

Author(s): Ivica Mladenovic,Zoran Stojiljkovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2014

У раду настојимо да, нарочито у постизборној атмосфери њеног пораза, аналитички разложно и „хладно“ одговоримо на политички и вредносно високо контаминирано питање о актерима и шансама „социјалдемократске“ левице у Србији. Пошавши од минималног заједничког одређења умерене левице, за одговором трагамо одгонетајући три кључне загонетке. Прву чини дилема у којој је мери социјалдемократија прихваћена као културна и вредносна преференција у српском друштву. Друго питање обухвата контроверзе око тога ко чини и/или треба да чини социјалну базу социјалдемократије у Србији. И најзад, трећу, кључну и стратешку „организациону“ загонетку садржи питање да ли је могућа еволуција од (фрагментираних) партија, али и синдиката и других организација цивилног друштва, ка јединственом покрету. На крају, као неку врсту одговора, или тек идеалтипског модела, нудимо пет теза о делатној посткризној социјалдемократији.

„Хомосексуалност или смрт!”

Author(s): Mario Kalik / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: Vol.19/3+4/2011

「個別主義の帝国」ロシアの中央アジア政策 -正教化と兵役の問題を中心に-

Author(s): Tomohiko Uyama / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 53/2006

… TO BE CONTINUED? CHALLENGING THE CULTURAL LEGACY ARGUMENT IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE

Author(s): Tobias Spöri / Language(s): English / Issue: 01-02/2015

According to Nations in Transit 2016, many countries in Central and Eastern Europe are still not consideredfully ’consolidateddemocraties’ One of their features is that political participation is weaker and less developed than in established democraties. Int he literature, the ’post-communist heritage’ is treated as one of the most important explanations for the lack of political participation in the region. In a first step, the paper disentangles the post-communist heritage. In contrast to the widely held beliefs in large parts of the literature, the post-communist heritage is not as monolithic as it is portrayed. With respect to the variety across countries and over time, this paper breaks down positive and negative facets of the postcommunist heritage. Secondly, it is argued that the effects of the transformation are still underplayed in research on political participation in Central and Eastern Europe. By mainly focusing on cultural explanations, scholars therefore tend to lose sight of present explanations for weak political participation in the region.

ウクライナとNATOの東方拡大

Author(s): Shinkichi Fujimori / Language(s): Japanese / Issue: 47/2000

Ukraine draws attention from the international community because it is positioned between NATO and Russia. In 1999, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland were allowed to join NATO. Ukraine welcomed this accession as it would “strengthen security and stability in the European Continent.” It seems that Ukraine has consistently moved closer to West European organizations and Ukraine took advantage of this opportunity to significantly improve its relationship with the West. However, the fact is not as simple as described above. Ukraine once proposed its original security plan and denounced NATO’s PfP. Furthermore, Ukraine’s economy relies heavily on the Russian market and energy supplies. When Ukraine’s economy fails, there will be real danger that Ukraine involuntarily drifts eastward. In this paper, attention will be given to Ukraine’s unique security policy regarding NATO-Russian relations. In the first chapter, economic problem under which Ukraine has existed will be discussed. In the second chapter, attention will be given to Ukraine’s bridge diplomacy. Taking into account Ukraine’s economic constraint and neutral policy, the last chapter will discuss Ukraine’s policy towards NATO’s expansion.