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This study discusses the nature of the current international relations system and examines the roles and behaviours of the actors within the system. Certainly, the study does not neglect the former studies regarding the nature of the system, and so it contains disciplinary literature review. The methodology of the study is based on combination of quantitative and qualitative methods which evaluates the current system by uniting facts, numbers and arguments-theories. This study focuses on nature of current international relations system by emphasizing on the impacts and relations of the major actors particularly Russia and China. Certainly, other significant actors are not neglected which have close relationship with Russia and China. For instance, Turkey, Iran and members of the BRICS and some African countries are playing crucial roles in current international relations system by improving their ties with Russia and China in economic, political and military spheres. Only sovereign states are not actors in international relations system, international organizations and multinational companies also play crucial roles within international relations system. Therefore, they may create competitive and cooperative atmosphere as dependent on their own interests, which makes the system more complicated. As a result the paper indicates interactions of the various actors and the challenges of the emerging new actors to the USA-Western dominated unipolar system and their involvements in economic, social and political spheres in the world.
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Pokolenie Y na tle pokoleń XX wieku w Stanach Zjednoczonych (rec.: Michael McQueen, Pokolenie Y. Współistnienie czy współdziałanie. Nowe zasady komunikacji międzypokoleniowej, Warszawa 2016)Silva Rerum współczesnego profesora (rec.: Andrzej Zybała, Polski umysł na rozdrożu. Wokół kultury umysłowej w Polsce. W poszukiwaniu źródeł niepowodzenia części naszych działań publicznych, Warszawa 2016) O intersekcjonalność w badaniach nad bezdomnością kobiet w Europie (rec.: Paula Mayock, Joanne Bretherton (red.), Women’s Homelessness in Europe, London 2016)Agata C h a b i o r, Wspomaganie procesu pomyślnegostarzenia się u ludzi starych: między powinnościąa profesją, Wydawnictwo Impuls, Kraków 2017,s. 252. Dariusz S o k o ł o w s k i, Paulina To m c z y -k o w s k a (red.), Kreatywność w turystyce. Innowacyjne rozwiązania we współczesnej turystyce, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, Toruń 2016, s. 235.Kamil F e j f e r, Zawód. Opowieści o pracy w Polsce.To o nas, Czerwone i Czarne, Warszawa 2017,s. 255.Urszula M a r k o w s k a - P r z y b y ł a, Diagnoza zasobów kapitału społecznego w rozwoju regionalnym Polski z wykorzystaniem metody ekonomii eksperymentalnej,Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa,2017, s. 289.Wiesław Wą t r o b a, Transgresje międzypokoleniowe późnego kapitalizmu, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu, Wrocław 2017, s. 352.
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The effectiveness of crisis communication depends on different factors such as specifics of organization in crisis.When in conditions of risk is a political organization or a political party, crisis communication must be manage in good relations with media and with the awareness for image damages that political opponents could try to make.The aim is to measure the opportunities for applying known models for effective crisis communications for the specific needs of political organizations and parties. Кризисната комуникация зависи от редица фактори; в частност – от спецификите на организацията, която се изправя пред неочаквано рисково събитие.Когато кризисната комуникация се осъществява/управлява от политическа организация (например политическа партия), трябва да се отчетат особеностите на високите обществени очаквания;необходимостта от добри връзки с медиите;нуждата да се неутрализират политически опоненти (по Канев, Канева, Николов, 2012; Norris, 2005).В настоящата статия се прави опит да се оцени приложимостта на научнообосновани модели за управление на кризисната комуникация за нуждите на политически организации.Използва се съдържателен анализ, сравнение и оценка на модели по избрани критерии.
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The presidential elections of 2016 produced a new situation in Bulgarian politics, but did not change substantially the Bulgarian party system. The victory of the non-partisan candidate proposed by the BSP and the failure of the candidate of the ruling party was unexpected and was significant for the “depolitization” of the society. Citizens in Bulgaria expressed their limited support for the main parties, looking for a candidate who has not previous partisan career. This seems to be a sign for more serious civic disaffection from the existing parties.
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The article tracks all aspects of the presidential candidacy of Roumen Radev: the process of his nomination, campaign and performance. Subject of detailed analysis is the campaign of the candidate in its various aspects - organization, party support, financing, direct campaign, media appearances, participation in election debates. The author presents a picture of his convincing victory in the presidential elections in Bulgaria in 2016. On the background of broader economic, social, political, cultural context during the campaign and election are shown the internal factors that led to this result – the effective support by the party BSP, the personal and political qualities of the candidate, the campaign performance.
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The article has a double objective: to analyze the campaign of the nationalist candidate in the presidential election 2016, as well as populist-nationalist discourses and messages of non-nationalist candidates. It is structured in three parts. The first offers a periodization of the nationalist vote and analyzes the campaign as a happening of Krassimir Karakachanov, the candidate of the United Patriots. The second introduces the symbolic cartography of the nationalist campaigns, introducing a diachronic perspective and comparing the messages and images of the presidential campaigns of the two sympathetic nationalist candidates - Volen Siderov and Krassimir Karakachanov. The third part introduces a synchronic comparative perspective by identifying nationalist messages of non-nationalist candidates. The main thesis and conclusion of the analysis is the tendency of hegemonization of the nationalist discourse, crossing the classical ideological cleavages.
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The text examines the campaigns and results of the presidential elections of the right-wing candidates in Bulgaria. The reasons for the surprising failure of the candidate of the largest GERB party Tsetska Tsacheva and the poor result of the candidate of the Reformist bloc Traicho Traikov are being sought. In the first case the focus is on the late rise of the GERB candidate, on the lack of personal charisma, conceptual appearance and clear cut political values. In the second case, besides the personality and campaign of the candidate, the deep division among the right parties played a part. None of the candidates on the right offered authenticity to Bulgarian citizens.
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The present study analyses the presidential electoral campaigns of Ivaylo Kalfin, candidate supported by a coalition of parties around the party „Alternative for Bulgarian Revival“, and of Tatiana Doncheva, supported by the coalition ”Move- ment -21” and “National Movement for Stability and Progress”. Both of them are known personalities, confirmed politicians with their expertise, qualities of technocrats and with their criticism against the ramping populism and the risks of authoritarian and undemocratic tendencies. Despite their qualities and professional electoral campaigns, they didn’t’ have room to successfully challenging the strong protest antiestablishment and populist candidates at the first round of the presidential election held on November 6th 2016. Furthermore, they are positioned and known as politicians on the center and center-left where one of the main political forces – the Bulgarian Socialist Party raised and supported a candidate who have never been a politician, offered the alternative of a “new face” in politics and aggregated the protest vote against the GERB party. Voices of expertise, experience and professionalism have been muted by the populist candidates.
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In the 2016 presidential elections, there were 21 presidential candidates, for more than half them it was clear that they had no real chance to be elected. This article analyzes what motivates these candidates to get into the presidential race. For this purpose, a proposal of a typology of the candidates and their campaigns was made. Special zoom was put on Veselin Mareshki, whose participation in this election was both underestimated, but also a request for a more stable place on the political scene.
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The article focuses on three dimensions of the issues related to the rule of law and the judicial system reform in the context of the presidential elections in Bulgaria in 2016: the formulation of a clear vision for future development of the judicial reform and strengthening of the rule of law in the candidate’s manifestos, the level of participation of candidates in the political and civic debate on the issues and the type of commitments expressed during the campaign. Thus the article aims to formulate a typology of campaign related positions on the basis of two dimensions – political profile of candidate and their distance to bringing the issues as priorities of the presidential institution.
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The study is analyzing the presidential election campaign through the place and level of topicality given to the social problematic in the pre-election debates. By doing this, the study follows in the train of several research tasks that allow the systematic analysis of the leading political topics and themes in the pre-election debates. First one is, to describe the specific political accents and topics, which dominated the pre-election campaign and to underline the factors that contributed to their domination. The second task is, to analyze the degree of importance and the way of articulation of the social problematic in the pre-election campaign.
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During the president election campaign in 2016 a clear fact emerged: the candidates demonstrated basic lack of understanding about the competence, the functions, role and relevance of the institution. The narrative during the race presented a deeper misunderstanding of what the candidates think the President of Bulgaria actually works. The variations on the theme became the main reason for this text, which sets the difficult task not only to unveil the real nature of the presidential institution, but to go even further - to offer a recipe for modernizing the institution in accord with contemporary needs an institutional framework in Bulgaria.
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The article deals with the history of the emergence of the vice-president institution in the Bulgarian constitutional model, the motives for its creation, as well as its functions and specifics. The position of the author is that this institution in a parliamentary system and devoid of own functions is unnecessary. The role of the vice presidential candidates in election campaigns is also being monitored.
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The administration of the small states faces the challenges to identify strategic interests in the context of key global trends to provide more effective policymaking coordination and cooperation, and to focus on areas where they can make a real difference. The presented article adresses a quickly changing world and emergence of a new multilaterlism demanding a focused, well-coordinated and integrated foreign policy. Global trends such as climate change, migration, energy security, rapid technological development and industrial revolution, together with necessary horizontal approach to address them, require integration of foreign and security policy, defence policy, trade policy and export promotion as well as development policy. The Sustanaible Development Goals – UN Agenda 2030 could be a guidance for setting the policy framework for foreign and domestic policy. The ability to combine traditional diplomatic channels with formal and infomal networks and actors on domestic and international level is key in this regard. It requires openness and readiness to adapt. The ministries of foreign affairs should serve as the whole society´s international liaisons leading the whole-of-society engagement.
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The growing role of diplomacy, assuming the participation of legislative branch of government, is nowadays an unquestionable political phenomenon. The international cooperation of parliamentary chambers may be regarded as one of the means that serves this purpose. This applies not only to first (lower) chambers of modern parliaments, but also to second (upper) ones, regardless of their constitutional status. Hence, in the present study, the Association of European Senates (founded in 2000) as seen in the context of parliamentary aspects of plural diplomacies was analysed. Under conditions of a parliamentary system of government combined with the asymmetry of bicameralism (the second chamber is weaker than the first one), second chambers do not necessarily need to be pro-government bodies. Diverse procedures used to elect their members give the opportunity to form majorities that could be in opposition to the relevant national governments, which results in incongruence of bicameralism. In contrast to first chambers, which by definition provide political support to cabinets of ministers (under each parliamentary regime), second chambers may be dominated by formations of the opposition. The results show that such political configurations create a starting point for increased international involvement of leaderships of chambers, in which such political groups play a dominant role. Hence, the Association of European Senates may be a convenient field for strengthening, at the international level, the position of politicians belonging to the anti-government opposition in their own countries. However, this is only possible if a specific model of the second chamber is adopted.
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Promotion of gender equality norms as well as the best world and national practices in the republics with a dominant Islamic tradition and an unstable socio-political situation is the topic of a large long-term project ending in 2020. Within its framework, a meeting of anthropologists, sociologists, and political scientists was held in Makhachkala (Republic of Dagestan) in June 2018.
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This paper examines metaphors in the language of U.S. presidents in times of economic crisis in the last century. Our corpus comprises seven speeches that are analyzed in terms of moral metaphors that extend throughout the texts, intertwined with other metaphors, in a qualitative analysis. A quantitative analysis measures metaphor density and also draws on data from Sketch Engine, a corpus manager and analysis program, where keywords are examined that combine with metaphors in texts. Findings suggest that the umbrella moral metaphors of NURTURANT PARENT and STRICT FATHER factor with substantial prominence in corpus texts and that keywords enhance the impact of moral metaphors.
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The aim of the article is to define the way in which Brexit referendum is presented by sixPolish opinion weeklies (in 2015 and 2016) with the highest level of sales in 2015 and 2016 (Do Rzeczy,Gazeta Polska, Gość Niedzielny, Newsweek, Polityka, W Sieci). The study was prepared usingqualitative content analysis. In the course of the analysis, answers were searched for questionsconcerning the following issues: the causes of Brexit indicated in articles, its consequences for theinternational arena, Poland and the European Union itself, and its assessment in the analysed weeklies.The research proved the connection between the assessment of this event in the weeklies and theirpolitical affiliations. This correlation can be seen, for example, in the editorial boards' stance towardsBrexit, which was positive in right-wing titles (Do Rzeczy, Gazeta Polska, Gość Niedzielny, W Sieci)and negative in the magazines supporting Civic Platform (Polityka, Newsweek). However, nosignificant differences were found as regards the causes and effects of Brexit identified by the editorialboards. Regardless of political affiliations, journalistic materials indicated the same main reasons andthe most important consequences of Britain's leaving the European Union. However, they werehierarchised differently and assigned a different rank
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Thus, it is with this fact in mind that one must approach the work by Mihai A. Panu on geopolitical doctrines. The author points out from the very beginning that the work itself does not aim for a comprehensive, exhaustive approach when dealing with its three chosen geopolitical schools or with the field in general, but rather serves to complete the existing debates in the Romanian space. This is relevant particularly due to Romania’s position in the current geopolitical configuration, which sees it part of the Euro-Atlantic alliance system, with the Romanian state thus bound to be greatly influenced by any developments in any future Great Game between the major power blocks. Throughout its chapters, the work deals with three important concepts, namely, geopolitics, geostrategy, and geoeconomics, while also paying attention to the evolution of various ideas championed by some of the most important theoreticians of the previous centuries, yet without neglecting the important contributions of lesser known authors.
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