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This paper examines the transformation in Foucault’s conception of power that began in 1976 and concluded with his definition of power as action on the action of others in 1982. His 1976 lectures raise series of questions about the nature of power: what is power? How is it exercised? Is it ultimately a relation of force? Only some of these questions are answered in the course of these lectures. Foucault's answer to the question about the nature of power and the appropriate means to analyze it is not forthcoming until 'The Subject and Power' in 1982. I argue that the new definition of power offered reflects the discovery of governmentality in 1978 and the lectures on liberal and neoliberal governmentality that followed. I conclude with some remarks about the consequences of this new conception of power for Foucault's approach and for his analysis of neoliberal governmental power.
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This paper examines toleration at two levels. At the first level, liberal individualism is concerned that the individual must be as free as possible to pursue their own goals and lifestyles. At the second level, liberal political theory is concerned with the value of liberal political culture and institutions and how to maintain and protect them. I argue that we can learn a great deal about the exercise of toleration and respect at the level of the liberal polity by examining them at the level of the liberal individual. Both tolerance and intolerance at the level of the polity must be principled. Principled tolerance and intolerance have the following features. First, the judgment whether to tolerate a particular belief or practice must be based on the value of toleration itself, not pragmatic political requirements. Second, it should be an issue of setting aside moral principles and convictions rather than dislikes, prejudices or fears. Third, it should respect the distinction between the public and the private, and should only recognise an issue as one of toleration if there is a public impact at stake.
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The limits of tolerance are discussed in this article with regard to the status of religious, ethnic, and national minorities in liberal-democratic societies. The question that the author is trying to answer is this: how can minority policies be designed in such a way that they provide the due conditions for the reproduction of minority identities over time which, at the same time, do not compromise national integrity. The line of demarcation between these two kinds of policy would also be the limit of tolerance, concerning the role of these identities in society. In the first part of the article a critical analysis is made of the policy of cultural neutrality of the state, based on the differentiation between the approaches to minority issues in the public and in the private life of the citizens. In the second part an alternative possible solution is presented―to draw the limits of tolerance by means of the legitimization of minority policies via public communication which is protected from manipulations by means of the methodology of public deliberation.
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This article argues that in the Hiero, Xenophon skilfully combines elements ofwisdom literature, epinician poetry, the Mirror of Tyrants and logoi Sōkratikoi. In doing so, he pursuestwo objectives. One is to link his reflections on leadership to respected and influential traditions inorder to give his views additional weight and render them interesting for a wider audience. The secondobjective is to respond to Plato’s challenge to the traditional way of doing politics and, morespecifically, the view that it is irremediable. For these reasons, this paper attempts to reconstruct theinfluence of wisdom literature (hypothēkai, Seven Sages), the Mirror of Tyrants (Isocrates), epinicianpoetry (Simonides, Pindar) and Plato’s dialogues on the Hiero.
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This paper follows the Entente Powers negotiations with Italy from the beginning ofWorld War I up to the signing of the London Agreement. Simultaneously, this paper follows Serbianrelations towards the negotiations and Italy entering the conflict from the standpoint of its nationalpretensions. Due to the important role of Russia, as Serbia’s closest ally and the traditional protectorof Slavic interests, special attention has been dedicated to its position and reasons for relenting indiplomatic initiative for Italy entering the war. This paper contains an analysis and a new interpretationof the London Agreement. In addition to this, the paper sheds light on the beginning of deterioratingrelations between the governments in Rome and Belgrade/Niš, which used to be friendly before theGreat War, as well as the circumstances which influenced the situation.
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One of the main consequences of the King Alexander I Karađorđević’s personal regime was an administrative rearrangement of the state that formed new administrative units called banovinas. Historiography to date has not shed much light on the circumstances under which the banovinas were formed. Studies show that this issue occupied much of the attention of the king and his court, and that the best experts were engaged. At the beginning of the dictatorship, banovinas and their bans were used as a means through which the proclaimed ideology of Yugoslavism would come into being in the form of a single Yugoslav nation. The starting point was to remove national and historical borders between Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which were regarded as the culprits behind divisions within the population. Presenting federalization as derived through banovinas as administrative units served to conceal their true function in the process of building a unified state. Following the death of King Alexander I Karađorđević, there was an abundance of support for the idea of banovinas as administrative units and as part of the foundation of the Yugoslav state. After only ten years, the borders of the banovinas, as defined by the September constitution, were changed due to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia. This act annulled all the principles of the 1929 administrative rearrangement. The further fate of the banovinas was determined by the Second World War, in which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a state disappeared. Based on an analysis of available archival material, periodicals, memoirs of contemporaries and historiographical publications, the intention of this study is to show how the banovinas, as new administrative units, were used to serve the king’s personal dictatorship. Opinions of the Banovinas as parts of the administrative system are mostly negative. However, in a broader context, they brought progress and prosperity to certain areas of the state.
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While the United States and Europe share a set of basic values and interests, debates across the Atlantic do repeatedly occur, particularly since the end of the Cold War. Transatlantic relations under the Trump Administration have experienced noticeable political tensions that were last witnessed under the Bush Administration in the early years of the millennium. There is a sense of déjà vu in Europe, given that despite Donald J. Trump’s unusual rhetoric, the issues in hand are not necessarily new. Washington’s take on the international order and transatlantic relations is best described by the concept of conservative internationalism, which differs from other U.S. foreign policy approaches yet continues to be in contrast with the more liberal views in Europe.
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Through the history, in many countries with different cultures, the children have been abused and have been forced to engage in a conflict because of the poverty, or their parents have sold them in ability to feed them, but most of them are either kidnapped or manipulated in order to join the terrorists. In the previous century, a great number of international conventions became effective in order to restrict the children`s involvement into the armed conflicts. The most important convention is the Geneva Convention, a convention adopted on August 12 1949. It clearly states that both sides in conflict must take all measures of not recruiting children who have not turned 15 years of age and must not be involved directly in the conflict. In this paper, we will analyze and see if these conventions are respected and how are implemented.
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The strong link between politics and religion can cause societal problems that arise as a consequence of a politicized religion, which leads to confessional homogeneity and ideologized religion, which in turn leads to the fanaticism that can escalate to terrorism towards nonbelievers. Religious fundamentalism turns religion into ideology. Religious fundamentalism frequently manifests itself as a partial or complete rejection of modern ideas, like religious tolerance, secularization, and different achievements in science and technology, which for some reason are not in agreement with religious doctrine. Obviouslypoliticized Islam and Islamic fundamentalism have not ignored the Balkan Peninsula, considering the fact that large portions of the population are members of the Islamic faith. A large number of theologists that preach radical Islam in Muslim religious objects and public educational institutions and the fact that no one has control over what is being preached to the believers and minors in the frames of primary school education represents a serious threat to the ethnic and religious tolerance and the peace and stability in R. Macedonia. This is achieved by radical or fundamentalist Islam, by pointing towards the differences that are frequently connected to nationalism.
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Human trafficking is the only part of transnational organized crime in which women are notably represented – as victims, perpetrators, and as activists seeking to combat this crime. Woman trafficking is a large and rapidly growing component of transnational organized crime. The paper focuses on the main aspects and trends in women trafficking and expands upon the knowledge of activities carried out by human traffickers with a focus on links to organized crime. Particularly, the paper implies to answer the question, “What link exists between women trafficking and organized crime?” This paper aims to research women trafficking in the post-Yugoslav societies and to gain better understanding of this phenomenon that represent one of the security problems for this region. The violent Yugoslav disintegration and economic decline altered traditional social relations in ways that led to more exploitative trafficking exchanges of women and young girls and the proliferation of new networks of suppliers, distributors, and clients. More research in this field would allow a comprehensive understanding of the underground alliances and the different roles organised criminal groups can play in this context
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The paper analyses the features of the Spanish criminal justice system from the perspective of the late-democratisation condition of the Spanish polity. The text sees an almost uninterrupted expansionism and a relatively high level of severity as basic traits of the evolution of the Spanish criminal justice system. Consequently, the paper examines those features from the viewpoints of legal reforms, institutional practices and collective perceptions and expectations experienced since the end of the autocratic period. Finally, the article investigates some reasons which may explain the relatively high punitiveness of the Spanish criminal justice system, before adding a coda on the changes of the penal system fostered by the Great Recession.
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The phenomenon of the Macedonian national liberation movement (the Macedonian issue in general) has occurred in a very specific historical, geopolitical, geostrategic, military - strategic and military-political context. The Macedonian movement has been forced to build its own authentic national, political and military strategy and specific armed forces in order to achieve its historic goal and to reach the pedestal named freedom. This study aims to give a clarification of all relevant factors in continuity in the context of the experience of the Paris Commune and the knowledge for "armed people." Undoubtedly, not only that the Macedonian experiences correspond with the experiences of "armed people" of the Paris Commune, but in many elements they even go beyond and enrich. Even though they occur in the same time period, they are historically independent, which confirms their originality. The experiences of the Macedonian national liberation movement, the concept of the military organization and the form of the insurgency, in great measure, enrich the theory of the armed people and the theory of the people's war in all dimensions and military - historical aspects. Instead of conclusion, we would like once again to emphasize the confirmed scientific and historical knowledge that the armed people have immense strength, vitality and they are non-destroyable. This has been confirmed by the continuity of the struggle of the Macedonian people throughout centuries.
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One of the oldest human activities is the trade of goods, services, money and other property values both within a country and abroad. Foreign trade business has an exceptional importance for socio-eco-nomic relations between countries. Each state independently regulates the trade of goods and services. However, no state economy is self-sufficient, so its need to join the international markets is quite justified. Through a mutual trade cooperation, states transfer the effects of the concluded agreements beyond their borders, and the need for the unification of certain norms is absolutely necessary, as well as the regulation of the issue of a breach of contractual obligation and compensation for damages as a consequence resulting from such a thing. Some countries have a fear of ratifying the international rules, because they think that the accepted solutions would be contrary to their national legislation. There is mentioned only one of the reasons for the states resistance, as well as the difficulties in achieving the unique acceptable solution. This paper analyzes the concept, the importance of foreign trade business for countries, then the rights and obligations of the contracting parties and the compensation for damage due to a breach of a contractual obligation by non-performance in the sales contract
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