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Polarization is a totalizing political tool. While the us versus them division has long fueled political competition, polarization is taking systemic struggle to the next level. Polarization divides the political landscape into two camps, where a compromise can only be found within a given group. The political scene in 21st century Europe is polarized. However, how does this situation affect European values and democratic principles of the rule of law, which protect the stability of democratic systems? Is a polarized state a place where citizens can fully enjoy the benefits of democracy? Can a polarized society reconcile political conflict with democratic values? The article analyzes the phenomenon of political polarization in theoretical terms related to the democratic principles, both classical and those of the contemporary liberal democracies. At the same time, using the example of Poland and other countries, the effects of polarizing actions and their impact on the internal political scene and the social situation are shown.
More...Przykład scjentyfikacji debaty politycznej?
As compared to other complex social processes, scientification of public discourse is a phenomenon which is not well described in social sciences. Frequently, the idea of scientification is understood as methodological changes within social sciences which bring them closer to natural sciences and, in this sense, is related to traditional Positivist approach. In the article, the meaning of the term has been changed in order to describe a situation in which public political discourse is being transformed in such a way that, in effect, it resembles scientific discourse. This change in understanding the meaning of the idea of scientification has been presented on the example of an analysis of Polish MPs’ statements at the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in Poland in 2020.
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The article examines current issues of border and migration control in the context of events in Afghanistan since September 2021, when NATO forces withdrew from the country. The analysis is based on the main trends along the Eastern Mediterranean route and Bulgaria's role at the EU's external borders. The main priorities of border and migration control in the context of the current characteristics of the migration flow from the Middle East to Europe are outlined and the approaches after the seizure of power by the Taliban in Afghanistan are added.
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Developing a universal model of security today, in the global era, characterized by the dominant role of resource control over space control, is impossible due to the permanent contradictions between global players in the field of modern international relations. In the spirit of modern security risks and threats a change in the basic philosophy of analysis and action is needed - from "security through force" to "security through integration".
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The European Union is an organization that can use a wide range of instruments (political, diplomatic, economic, financial, consular, legal) in response to a crisis. The EU crisis management and planning process must be able to effectively implement the full range of tools and capabilities at its disposal and thus contribute to the EU's recognition as a global player in security and peacekeeping.
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The paper discusses ideologically loaded language, ways in which ideologically loaded elements can be detected in texts and how these methods of detection can be automated and applied to computer programs. Language and ideology are fundamentally inseparable concepts that are intertwined in various ways. This makes the study of ideology in the field of language both popular amongst academics of different disciplines and difficult. Two corpora were constructed for the analyses, using transcripts of the debates of Lithuanian Seimas on the topic of the 2021 migrant crisis in Lithuania. This is a relevant topic today not only from the point of view of political and social sciences, but also from the point of view of linguistics, specifically, the identification of the current expression of the ideologized language. The study focuses on a definition of ideology as an object of linguistics and the use of lexical units of modality and evidentiality to form a prototype for the detection of ideologised language elements in texts and corpora.
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The tension between “personal freedom” and “social responsibility” is an eternal one, and should be eternally debated. This self-reflective story reviews the participation of one individual in the face of different societies, times, ideas, and systems. It considers what provides a sense of commitment to such a journey and how it depends on authority and personally perceived and assumed responsibility.
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The large-scale invasion of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in Ukraine has marked the beginning of the deadliest conflict in Europe within the past decades. The Russian Armed Forces who attacked Ukraine benefitted from the whole range of their capabilities, including land artillery, AA rockets, long range precision fires (LRPF), short-range ballistic missile (SRBM), electronic warfare units and logistic and fight support structures. However, the Russian forces have generally performed poorly due to the rigid chain of command and control, lack of tactical vision and professionalism of troops, inefficient communications, low accuracy of weapons systems and inadequate logistical support, to which is added the unexpected resistance of the Ukrainian armed forces.
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The #foodforthought section includes a selection of bibliographic resources (official documents, books and reports), published recently, with a significant impact on the field of security and intelligence studies. EU. ”A Strategic Compass for Security and Defence: For a European Union that protects its citizens, values and interests and contributes to international peace and security”, 21.03.2022; NATO. ”The Secretary General’s Annual Report for 2021”, 21.03.2022; Graham Allison. Capcana lui Tucidide: Mai pot evita Statele Unite și China războiul?, Ed. Corint, 2022; Radu-Sebastian Ungureanu et al. Cooperare și confl ict în relațiile internaționale. O introducere, Ed. Institutului European, Iași, 2021; Center for Security Studies. ”Strategic Trends 2022: Key Developments in Global Aff airs”, ETH Zurich, 2022; ”Munich Security Report 2022: Turning the Tide. Unlearning Helplessness”, 18.02.2022; Mazarr, Michael J. et al. ”Security Cooperation in a Strategic Competition”. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2022; John Seaman et. al. (Ed.). ”Dependence in Europe’s Relations with China: Weighing Perceptions and Reality”, European Think-Tank Network on China (ETNC), April 2022; CSIS Technology and Intelligence Task Force. ”Maintaining the Intelligence Edge: Reimagining and Reinventing Intelligence through Innovation”, Center for Strategic and International Studies, January 2021.
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Review of: Kavaliauskas, Tomas. Permaininga Europa. Politinės moralės, geopolitikos ir tapatybės permainos nuo Sovietų Sąjungos žlugimo iki 2020-ųjų COVID-19 pandemijos. Kaunas, 2020, 208 p.
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With the dissolution of the Soviet Union the cold war came to an end. The “Ostpolitik and the Détente Policy” led to the CSCE-Process with important documents regarding the “European Peace Order”. Back then, the path seemed to be open for a good relationship between Russia and the West. However, the rapport deteriorated rather quickly, resulting in the “Great Alienation”. Moscow saw itself as the victim of an anti-Russian western policy. Russian attempts for the “Reorganization of the Post-Soviet space”, from the CIS to the Eurasian Economic Union, followed. We are confronted with the Russian self-conception of an international regulatory power comparable with the United States and China while Europe is losing importance. The policy of the “European Peace Order” is put into question. Internally, we observe a Russia in search of a new identity on the basis of “Traditional Russian Values”. The international Russian policy is characterized by the “Russian Fear” of regime change through so called “Coloured Revolutions”. From Russia’s point of view the West wanted to gain control over Ukraine with such a regime change. The process of alienation between Russia and the West continues until this day and is again visible in the ongoing conflict.
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Conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean have a long history. Back in the 1950s and 1970s Greece and Turkey were at odds regarding the delimitation of maritime zones. These conflicts appear to have been forgotten. They were only taken note of again when Turkey and Libya agreed on the division of maritime zones in 2019. Greece and Turkey saw their rights violated. Conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean concern energy resources (primarily natural gas). As we are faced with severe conflicts in this region, the irony of the whole situation could be that such energy may prove to be a source of no value, as natural gas may not be competitive in comparison with other suppliers. The European Union has shown an interest in gas resources of the Eastern Mediterranean, but it has obliged itself to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and problems of gas transport are assessed to be tremendous. Quite a few studies on the conflicts in the region were published recently. However, two aspects need in-depth analysis: the principles of the international law of the sea and geopolitical considerations. Developments in the Eastern Mediterranean should not be perceived in isolation but must be classified in the global context.
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The European Union’s enlargement policy aims to promote peace, stability and socio-economic development in the six countries of the Western Balkans by granting the prospect of accession. While enlargement fatigue or skepticism can be observed among the member states of the European Union, chiefly due to clear democratic deficits and resistance to reform in the candidate countries, in most of the target countries the approval rates for EU membership are continuously decreasing because the time horizons are being pushed further and further into the future. The article not only discusses the problems of enlargement policy but also refers to the different geostrategic interests of the EU, the USA, Russia and China.
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On 3 April 2022, Hungarians elected a new parliament and cast their vote in the so-called “child protection referendum”. The elections, however, brought no change. While the government parties Fidesz and KDNP secured a two-thirds majority in parliament for the fourth time in a row since 2010, the united opposition alliance United for Hungary fell short of all expectations and suffered a considerable defeat. Hopes that the increasingly eurosceptic and authoritarian government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán would be replaced by a pro-European and pro-democratic government, have thus been shattered. The composition of the new government, a further concentration of power in the hands of the prime minister and the government’s first actions suggest the continuation of political trends of the previous three electoral cycles. While further pressure on democratic forces can be expected, it is nevertheless unlikely that Hungary will fully go down the road of autocratisation. Severe tensions with the European Union over the rule of law and democracy will, however, continue.
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According to international research, over the last few years Serbia belongs to the top ten most autocratizing states worldwide. The political dominance of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and Aleksandar Vučić, president of Serbia, limits the space for free and fair competition and reduces the possibilities for oppositional parties to challenge the incumbent. It is against this background that Vučić called early elections for April 2022. The electoral campaign was dominated by the war in Ukraine. Despite some new dynamics on the green-left side of the Serbian political spectrum and a significant rise of the far-right, SNS and Vučić were able to score yet another electoral win. The center of political power and decision-making will remain in the hands of Aleksandar Vučić. Serbia still refuses to introduce sanctions against Russia despite being under strong pressure from the West to do so. Vučić continues to rely on his usual strategy of buying time internally and navigating between the West – the USA and the EU – Russia, China and Turkey.
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Review of: Mirko Pejanović, Državnost Bosne i Hercegovine u XX. i XXI. stoljeću: studije, članci, intervjui IKD “University Press” – Izdanja Magistrat, Sarajevo, 2021. (325 str.)
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Tóth Erzsébet Fanni – Vibók Ildi: beszÉLJ! Hogyan tárjuk fel a családi múltat? Kulcslyuk Kiadó: Budapest, 2021. 152 old.
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