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Review of: - Lea Nocera, Çev.: Fazıl Mat (2018). Manikürlü Eller Almanya’da Elektrik Bobini Saracak: Toplumsal Cinsiyet Perspektifinden Batı Almanya’ya Türk Göçü (1961- 1984). İstanbul: Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 308 sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-399-524-1. - Murat Sevinç (2018). Hey Garson! İstanbul: April Yayınları, 99 sayfa, ISBN: 978-605- 8108-80-6. -Salman Akhtar (2018). Göç ve Kimlik, Kargaşa, Sağaltım ve Dönüşüm. İstanbul: Sfenks Kitap, 198 sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-68005-3-5. A. Çağlar Deniz, Yusuf Ekinci, A. Banu Hülür, “Bizim Müstakbel Hep Harap Oldu” Suriyeli Sığınmacıların Gündelik Hayatı Antep-Kilis Çevresi. İstanbul: Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2016, 228 syf., ISBN: 978-605-399-463-3.
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Review of: Gözde Kazaz & H. İlksen Mavituna (2018). Bu Ülkeden Gitmek: Yeni Türkiye’nin Göç İklimini Buradakiler ve Oradakiler Anlatıyor. İstanbul: Metropolis Yayıncılık, 136 sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-66693-6-1. Filiz Göktuna Yaylacı (derleyen) (2019). Kuramsal ve Uygulama Boyutları ile Türkiye’de Sığınmacı, Mülteci ve Göçmenlerle Sosyal Hizmetler. Londra: Transnational Press London, 202 sayfa, ISBN: 9781910781906 M. Murat Erdoğan (2018). Türkiye’deki Suriyeliler/Toplumsal Kabul ve Uyum, İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2. Baskı, 300 Sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-399-369-8. M. Murat Erdoğan (2017). Suriyeliler Barometresi/Suriyelilerle Uyum içinde Yaşamın Çerçevesi, İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1. Baskı, 175 Sayfa, ISBN: 978-605-399-513-5.
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States’ foreign policy strategies aimed at promoting their values, cultures, and policies (soft power), as well as at advancing their interests have intensified by over 100% in the last 25 years. This article seeks to explain the increasing level of soft power around the world and its variations among states. Using a quantitative model, it argues that states which invest more resources in their Ministries of Foreign Affairs, thus building diplomatic capacity, are the ones that exert higher levels of soft power in world affairs.
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Liberal institutionalism has traditionally emphasized the need for institutionalarrangements to initiate and sustain cooperation among states. The theory regeneratedmuch interest in the capacity and potential of global governance structures, for stableinternational cooperation and peaceful coexistence in the post-cold war world.During the last 30 years the world has witnessed a revolution in governance, bothprivate and public, in the areas that have been filled with regulatory bodies, looseinitiatives, regimes, ephemeral and more persistent forms of governance whosepolitical activity in most cases takes place outside the channels of formal politics.This should not, however, overshadow the fact that global organizations designedto address global problems are increasingly incapable of managing the instabilitiescreated by global interdependence. This article explores the relationship betweenneoliberal conceptualisations of the international affairs, state power and globalgovernance, analysing the features of the current geopolitical transition and itspossible consequences for the liberal world order.
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This paper addresses the socio-political situation around multiculturalism in the United States up to the present day in Los Angeles, California, taking into consideration the history of minorities and how they have interacted and assimilated with “American” culture or not. Some of the ideas covered are monoculturalism, segregation, racism, tolerance, anti-discrimination policies, affirmative action, Black Power, the Chicano Movement, immigration and religion. The paper seeks to analyse the current demographics of one of the most diverse cities in the world and to highlight the challenges and benefits of such diversity and the prospects for peace, understanding and true equality in such a society.
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Since 2007, Serbia is considered to promote a model of foreign policy based on maintaining an equal distance between Brussels and Moscow. This strategy became more evident after the annexation of Crimea in March 2014, when on the one hand Serbia supported the territorial integrity of Ukraine, and on the other hand it abstained from voting the UN resolution which was meant to reaffirm the territorial integrity of Ukraine and did not impose sanctions on Russia. These contradictory decisions were followed by numerous other political events that required Serbia’s clear-cut positioning in the Ukrainian conflict in 2015 and 2016. The paper assesses the impact of the conflict in Ukraine to be found in the main discourses around Serbia’s foreign policy of ‘sitting on two chairs’ between its European perspective and maintaining its close ties with Russia, as viewed by elites in the period between 2014 and 2016. First, the paper explores the various meanings attached to Serbia’s military neutrality in scholarly and policy debates. Next, it looks at how those meanings have been enacted in discourses and practices along the first three years of the Ukrainian crisis. The conclusions discuss the paradoxes of Serbia’s positions, pointing towards the ‘politics’ of the neutrality policy as revealed in the discourses that surrounded the Ukrainian crisis and various East-West divides that it triggered.
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The article analyzes the problems of public sphere commercialism in modern society. The aim of the article is to analyze the concept of public space and to reveal the functions of public space in the information society. Theoretical analysis presents the theory of public space formulated by Habermas, more attention is paid to the functions of public sphere. Critical insights on the public sphere issue presented by the representatives of Frankfurt allow us to assess the functionality of public sphere accordingly. The comparison of the functions of the classical public space and the modern – digital public space revealed the specifics of public communication in social media.
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This article focuses on the aftermath of the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia by investigating the relationship between domestic change and foreign policy. It highlights the challenges of foreign policy breakthroughs, leading to a Russian-European balance, as well as to breaking the logjam in the troubled neighborhood. It contends that domestic change in Armenia has not produced trickle-down effects on its broader foreign policy landscape. Yet, the study does not fall prey to the reductionism of structural constraints and offers a more dynamic structure - agency interplay approach to accounting for change - continuity relationship in post-revolution Armenian politics. The case study of Armenia contributes to a better understanding of the interplay between domestic politics and foreign policy in small states in the contested neighbourhood between assertive Russia and constrained European Union (EU).
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This article analyzes perceptions of the opportunities and problems in EU–Ukraine relations among officials from the European Commission and Ukraine’s government institutions involved in implementing the Association Agreement. It presents the findings of empirical research conducted through semi-structured interviews with ten representatives from the European Commission and ten representatives from Ukraine’s government institutions. The analysis shows that despite differences in their assessments of mutual relations and cooperation, which undoubtedly cause communication problems, there are no elements underpinning the mutual perceptions that would create major obstacles to EU–Ukraine cooperation over implementation of the Association Agreement. However, the research also shows that a sufficiently large number of obstacles do exist and these could slow the implementation of the Association Agreement.
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Nachdem die Interalliierte Kommission (IK) im Januar 1920 die Rechtshoheit über Oberschlesien übernommen hatte, führte sie die Kreisbeiräte als Institution des Ausgleichs in der Region ein. Polnische Beamte sollten gleichberechtigt in deutschen Behörden zu polnischen Angelegenheiten konsultiert werden. In der Praxis sorgte jedoch das große Misstrauen beider Seiten dafür, dass wesentliche Konfliktfelder nicht ausgeräumt werden konnten. Obwohl die Zusammenarbeit stellenweise funktionierte, blieb die Definition der „polnischen Angelegenheiten“ ein umstrittener Punkt. Er musste immer wieder zwischen deutschen Behörden, polnischen Beiräten und den alliierten Kreiskontrolleuren vor Ort neu ausgehandelt werden. Die Institution der Kreisbeiräte funktionierte nur eine kurze Zeit zwischen dem Herbst 1920 und dem Mai 1921. Der Dritte Schlesische Aufstand beendete schließlich jede Zusammenarbeit zwischen polnischen und deutschen Beamten.
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The article undertakes an analysis of the relationship between the post-war food supply situation in Upper Silesia (primarily in the industrial region) and various social protests and political attitudes in the local population during the first months after the end of World War I (November 1918 – August 1919). In accordance with the principle adopted in the literature on this subject, the author divides this period into four strike phases: the end of November 1918, the turn of the year 1919, the period from March to April 1919, and August 1919. Each of these phases was marked by growing brutality on both sides of the conflict and its widening social reach. The protesters did not refrain from acts of beating mine officials and robbery, while the authorities – from using armed forces. This led to the use of weapons and deaths on both sides. As a result of such social phenomena, the strike leaders found themselves in the orbit of communist influence, and the society of the region opted in majority for the Polish voting lists during the November municipal elections.
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The European integration process has already played an important role in reducing the negative consequences of territorial, legal, and administrative discontinuities in border regions and in developing the socio-economic potential of cross-border areas in the EU. This is primarily within the scope of cohesion policy and is well reflected in financial tools such as INTERREG. The aim of this paper is to present the main areas of financial support under cross-border projects within the framework of INTERREG in the EU-15 Member States in 2000–2020. The paper consists of two main parts, the first of which introduces the issue of cross-border cooperation in Europe with a special focus on the INTERREG programme, followed by an analysis of INTERREG Cross-Border Cooperation projects implemented in the EU-15 in the analysed period.
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Romania and Hungary, in the light of its recent history, we cannot discuss about sustained cooperation, especially before 1989 when a closed border can be discussed, and particularly at academic level exchanges are not at a very high level. The Romanian Revolution of 1989 brought about a defrosting of relations in general and with neighbours in particular, primarily by opening borders, access to the neighbouring country and the west, and implicitly this also facilitated the development of cross-border relations in the area of university cooperation in the counties of Bihor – Hajdú-Bihar, and in particular the two university centers on the Romanian–Hungarian border, the University of Oradea (Romania) and the University of Debrecen (Hungary). Under the proposed article, we will try to highlight the academic creative power focused on cross-border cooperation between the two university centers, the main dimensions that have been achieved, the active participation of researchers from across the European continent, the added value of the research proposed, and not least the emphasis of the two university centers as a hub of knowledge in cross-border cooperation, with the period of our research extending from 1990 and ending in 2018.
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municipal self-government reform called as decentralisation of power in Ukraine has been arising. During 2015–2018 there was the First Stage of decentralisation of power in Ukraine. This reform provides the establishing of the united territorial communities (abbreviation in Ukrainian "ОТГ" or amalgamated hromada). New united territorial communities have new responsibilities. In this article the peculiarities of social and economic development of united territorial communities have been investigated. During November 2018 an expert survey among authorities of local self-government of Carpathian region was conducted. The expert survey covered 70 united territorial communities of the Carpathian region (which includes Transcarpathia, Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv and Chernivtsi oblasts). United territorial communities which had been created during 2015–2017 took part in a survey. 78 % response rate was achieved. In this survey we have estimated which changes in infrastructure occurred and how the authorities of the united territorial communities have provided services for their citizens. One of the objectives of the survey was to assess the problems faced by the communities after establishing. The least major topics were related to the lack of cooperation between united territorial communities and the most urgent problems concerned the human capital of the community. Also we have analysed growth tools which were used by united territorial communities for their development.
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Foundation of the new Euroregions around Ukraine–Romania–Moldova borders have been treated with all countries involved from somewhat different perspectives. Romania considered them as a venue of making stronger its ties with compatriots abroad and as a tool of expanding greater influence to the neighbouring borderland territories in the end of 1990th – beginning of the 2000th. Ukraine and Moldova had thought with some suspicions about this initiative of Bucharest, keeping in their mind some possible irredentists‟ threats from the regions concerned. After some years of somehow tense negotiation the contracted parties had agreed to constitute two new Euroregions, Upper Prut and Low Danube namely.Since the moment of the foundation, Upper Prut Euroregion passed through some stages of their development and faced with several challenges. Firstly, analysing the reasons behind the process of the slowing down of the pace and effectiveness of CBC in the given region one has to take into account the growing disparity of the three components of the region. While Suceava region has made some obvious advancement with somewhat lagging behind Botoşani region, the northern districts of Moldova remain under much worse social and economic conditions. Chernivtsi and Ivano-Frankivsk regions are in-between position, but they have been overwhelmed with a narrow agenda of mere survival recently. Secondly, institutional structures and mechanisms of cooperation in the Euroregion are grounded predominantly on the ability and good will of regional administrative elite to outline the agenda of CBC and then set it in motion. Thirdly, the dependence on the good-will and readiness of making a certain contribution toward moving forward this „joint venture‟ seemed a dominant trait there. Looking at this dimension of the Euroregion activity it‟s reasonable to state certain lack of the true devotion and incentives that were applied towards the betterment of its institutional capacity and operational mode. Still, some attempt of reviving the activity of CBC and Euroregion took place last years. Once again Romanian and Ukrainian counterparts took a lead in this process. Finally, the activity as well as mechanisms and instruments of CBC in the framework of Upper Prut do require concerted affords in order to make them functioning duly. Otherwise the whole structure of the Euroregion will be rather a sort of a mausoleum of vanished hopes and groundless aspirations.
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Pour les Capitales Européennes de la Culture provenant de nouveaux États membres de l‟Union Européenne ou de pays candidats, le titre est une occasion précieuse de vaincre les anciens complexes d'infériorité par rapport aux États membres plus anciens et de faire valoir leur sentiment d'appartenance à l'Europe, en utilisant différentes stratégies de place making. Cette opportunité a été encore plus attrayante pour les CEC provenant de régions frontalières. Cette étude propose d‟analyser les récits identitaires et aussi que d‟inventorier les projets ayant une dimension transfrontalière présentes dans les dossiers de candidature de Timişoara et Novi Sad, afin de conclure sur l'intérêt pour la coopération transfrontalière parmi la culture, en tant que moyen d'intégration européenne de proximité.
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