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Market towns’ privileges and their system of self-government and administration were similar to the free royal cities. In the late 14th century, Miskolc doubled in size, besides the „Old Town“, the „New Town“ was first mentioned in 1376, with its own weekly fairs and administration, even with a separate parish. The parish church of the New Town, first mentioned in one of the Pope’s deeds in 1445, bore the name of the Holy Virgin Mary as its title. The fact that a cotters’ street or quarter came into being next to the church of the New Town indicates the independence of the New Town and its parish, similarly to the Old Town. The separation of the Old Town and the New Town was a medieval phenomenon, however the dual centres did not survive the Middle Ages, as Miskolc was burnt down by the Turkish troops in 1544. On the ruins of the former parish, a new baroque monastery of the Conventual Franciscans (Minorites) was built in 1720s, and a Minorite scribe made a small drawing in the protocol of the convent showing the outline of the medieval church.
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Between Moravia and Prussia there was an important medieval route passing through the economic and political centres (Olomouc, Opava, Raciborz, Krakow and Torun). A very important medieval route existed between Moravia and Prussia, connecting the economic and political centres (Olomouc, Opava, Raciborz, Krakow and Torun). Situation on this road made it possible to research the continuous material and ideological transfer, the existence of which is evident from the archaeological finds in Opava region. We have compiled three thematic groups of artefacts which include utility ceramics, numismatic material, and sacral artefacts used by pilgrims. Within the identified system, various groups of travellers including merchants, artisans, diplomats and pilgrims can be detected.
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According to the charter issued by Andrew, Bishop of Eger, the Košice burghers were exempted from jurisdiction of Archdeacon of Abaujvár in 1290. Circumstances connected to its origin and then comparison with other charters containing similar privilege seem to be essential factors leading to better understanding of the source. Hereby a very detailed analysis of the text might say more to explain its meaning. Therefore, the cognoscible context of exemptions with the examination of circumstances leading to the issuance of the charter in 1290, along with consideration of the words written in the text, encourage the opinion that the burghers of Košice had been exempted from jurisdiction of Abaujvár´s Archdeacon even before. The Bishop´s charter seems to be only a confirmation of the right allowed earlier, which was a common phenomenon in the towns (or in the communities of guests) of the Hungarian Kingdom.
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This study presents a biography of one of the burgherois origin officials – Marek Walticher. He was a son of a merchant born in Pressburg. Marek Walticher came from vicinity of Pressburg Catholic patricians, mainly through his mother‘s family. Marek Walticher´s career had three periods. Initially he was employed in the Hungarian Chamber. Later he moved to the Mikuláš Esterhazy palatine barnyard, where he worked as his accountant and then he worked in important position of palatine office clerk. On the top of his career he worked as a main royal customs officer in Magyaróvár and he was appointed by monarch as a royal counselor. The study also presents detailed genealogical analysis of his family and social contacts of his wider kinship.
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The study deals with suburban churches and hospitals in medieval Košice. Author evaluates historiography published on this topic and presents results of detailed research of town books and tax registers. The aim of contribution consists of characterizing of the development, i.e. origins and cessation of the buildings, their approximate geographical location as well as the position in the church administration of Košice. The existence of three churches and two hospitals surrounding the walled town has been proved by the research. The main and also the oldest hospital with a church had patrocinium of the Holy Spirit. It laid in front of the Lower Gate on south. As the second one, the church of St. Ladislaus was erected in the northern suburb. The last such objects built here in the Middle Ages were leprosarium and church of St. Leonard on the west side. In addition to this, there was constructed one more church in the town´s cadaster, staying in the village of Košická Nová Ves.
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The presented paper deals with the organization of municipal economy administration in Košice in 16th and 17th century. The study is based on the analysis of the lists of elected municipal officials, the account books of city and individual officials from the particular period, which are located in Košice City Archives. It presents and evaluates transfers in the structure of municipal economy administration and its competences in the period of municipal economic and political bloom as well as in the period of its gradual stagnation.
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The history of Košice in the 16th century exemplifies a Micro History of the Reformation including all local particularities. The three persons from the church background in the town represent three characteristic types and three developmental phases of initial period of the Reformation in Košice. During this time the initiative shifted from clergy to the city council, which unprecedentedly extended his competence into theology and mainly liturgy. At the same time, contact with other towns in the region and also with Wittenberg was reinforced due to the correct interpretation of reformation teachings. At that time, the city council presented itself as a competent institution with the right and the duty to uphold the responsibility for religious issues also in theological meaning.
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The paper deals with issues pertaining to the relations and communication between the representatives of the town administrations in Košice, Bardejov and Prešov in the 15th century. The reflection of these relations may be found in correspondence preserved in the archives of these towns. These documents have made the author to note that mutual cooperation was developed among the towns, especially in the field of the town diplomacy by sending common town delegates to the Royal court and high dignitaries of the Kingdom and to the common consultations of the towns. Military aff airs and espionage were another area of cooperation between the towns. If the towns were not directly threatened, in many areas (economy, trade) they acted like rivals. One example is the cause between Bardejov and Prešov because of bleaching linen, lasting for the whole 15th century.
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No matter what the reasons are for providing development aid, the “how and where” of the countries doing it influences their image in international relations and testifies to the intelligent power of a country. Helping a country such as Tajikistan is difficult, and not only because of its geographic location or high level of poverty. It is hard to make some changes there (especially in the field of democracy) when a donor country has to face the despotic presidency of Rachmon and the high level of support for Putin's policies. Since 2004 Poland has been providing aid to this country (mainly with the participation of Polish NGOs), regardless of the fact as to whether it was on the list of priority countries or not. What are the main areas of Polish aid there? And what does Poland want and expect to achieve by helping the Tajiks? In this research and analysis the author looks for answers to these two questions.
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The article’s main objective is to reconstruct the media ecosystem of the Polish extreme right on the Internet. The starting point was 15 websites of the most recognisable Polish far-right organisations, which were indexed using the Hyphe tool to identify other websites with the same ideological profile, this identified 312 websites. These were then further analysed using social network analysis methods and tools in order to answer the following research questions: 1) how dense is the network of connections between the different sites; 2) what is the diversity and dominant ideological orientation of the far-right Internet; 3) what types of sites are used to disseminate far-right content? The research results show that far-right websites are poorly networked but that a few sites act as opinion leaders and content distributors linking different communities. At the same time, despite the ideological diversity, two communities – radical nationalists and autonomous nationalists – are critical in the reconstructed media ecosystem. While the different types of sites function as important media sites for each milieu, each milieu uses the different types of sites in slightly different ways.
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The aim of the article is to identify the social campaign used as a tool for government crisis communication in social media in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland and to attempt to analyse and evaluate the information provided through advertising spots dedicated to the COVID-19 pandemic in the light of Internet users’ opinions. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used, including source studies, media content analysis, desk research and case study. The authors put forward the thesis that by means of selected spots aired as part of the social campaign conducted by the Ministry of Health, during the first year of the pandemic in Poland (from March 4, 2020, to March 4, 2021), this Ministry tried to inform and educate the public about safety and public health measures implemented to reduce the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The results of the research showed the government’s lack of experience in using new media channels in crisis communication, which caused a fierce public discourse in social media, for which the rulers were not prepared. The discourse in Polish society, emerging from the comments of users of selected social media on the information provided through advertising spots dedicated to the COVID-19 pandemic, stimulates and encourages action, arousing anxiety due to the disruption of the established information order. We can discuss its potential to generate changes, on condition that social information campaigns are carefully prepared.
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The aim of the research was to reconstruct the communication strategy of the Confederation Liberty and Independence [Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość] party during the internal crisis that began after the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine. The research period covered the period from February 24, 2022 to February 13, 2023. The subject of the research were statements and publications published in the official media of the Confederation [Konfederacja], as well as social media of party leaders and interviews they gave. Content analysis was used in the research. Research has shown that a multi-community party such as the Confederation [Konfederacja], in order to solve the internal crisis, was forced to implement a consensus strategy in the field of discussion about the war in Ukraine and the marginalisation of activists who undermine the integrity of the group. As part of the pursuit of consensus, a communication strategy was implemented, which can be described as searching for a community of values by expanding the field of reference to the problem. The marginalisation of the Libertarians [Wolnościowcy] resulted in their withdrawal from the party, thus stabilising the internal situation in the Confederation [Konfederacja].
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The digital revolution has brought social media into the space of politicians’ activities, the most widely used of which is Twitter. This platform fosters special participation of users and informing the audience about the most current events in almost real time. It can also be understood as one of the most effective tools of modern political communication. The proposed article provides a comparative analysis of the communications of Antoni Macierewicz, who is associated with Poland’s ruling camp in 2022, and Robert Biedroń, one of the opposition leaders. The analysed communications concern the first month of the war in Ukraine. Both quantitative methods, including elements of statistical analysis, and qualitative analysis, based mainly on content analysis, were used to conduct the study. The aim of the study is to identify differences in communications and to show their twitter statements about the war in Ukraine in the context of a broader political communication strategy in line with the program of the party represented and relating to activities on the political scene (Polish or European). The analysis also points to the diversity of messages communicated through the social medium and the general polarising tendencies developing despite public voices calling for unity to help the victims of Russian aggression.
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The aim of the analysis conducted is to show how motherhood was portrayed in four Polish weekly opinion magazines Gazeta Polska, Newsweek Polska, Polityka and Wprost, during selected periods, over the years 2000-2019, and how the role of the mother projected media images of women in the world of politics. Preliminary assumptions were made that motherhood is politicised in the publications and that the editorial line of the surveyed weeklies influences the way they write about it. In addition, an attempt was made to test the validity of the claim that wives of politicians were more often portrayed in the role of the mother than female politicians, and the role of the mother was more strongly exposed in the portrayal of Polish female politicians than foreign ones. The research method used was a content analysis of selected publications, sourced from weekly opinion magazines, which was carried out based on the author’s categorisation key and with the support of the IBM SPSS program. In the course of the conducted analyses, the research objectives were achieved and the adopted research hypotheses were confirmed.
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The aim of this issue is to add a perspective to the debate on China's increased global role - and thus its emerging influence in Hungary and the region - that can interpret the history of Chinese socialism and its post-reform economic growth within the dynamics of global capitalism.The first study, entitled "Sorghum and Steel", begins with a discussion of the political and economic circumstances of the Communist takeover in 1949, and then analyses the process of socialist industrial development, illuminating the political struggles through the contradictions of the economic process. In discussing the socialist period, Chuang concludes that by the 1970s, the socialist industrial development effort seemed to have collapsed under its own contradictions.The second, "Red Dust", starts the story of reform and opening from here, but also adds the context of global capitalism and Cold War geopolitics to the internal dynamics of socialist industrial development. Within this relational framework, Chuang analyses the increasingly intense influx of Western investment into the region from the 1970s onwards, the Japanese miracle and subsequent crisis, and the region's staggered waves of industrial expansion ('flying wild geese' model), all as part of a compensatory effort motivated by the crisis of the post-World War II cycle, culminating in China's post-opening transformation. The analysis concludes with a description of the rapid post-opening industrialization, the disintegration of the socialist work and residence-based benefit system, and the urban migrant labour force as a new class.
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The article is aimed at seeking an answer to the question about the place of Polish immigrant organizations centered around cultural activities, Polish artists residing abroad and the general immigrant community within the organizational field focused on the promotion of Polish culture abroad. To answer the question, the author analyses key documents underpinning cultural policy and policy towards diaspora, describes the structure of organizational field including various kind of organizations engaged in promotion of Polish culture abroad. The policy analysis covered the presentation of assumptions on the role the diaspora should play both – as an addressee and the “tool” of public policies. Findings on positioning of organizations representing Polish diaspora in organizational field stemming from the analysis of documents were confronted with the results of state programs analysis. The author focused on 15 state programs ran between 2017 and 2022 – their goals and beneficiaries. The study reveals that immigrant organizations and Polish artist residing abroad had limited access to structural support for their projects, despite policy makers’ positive evaluation of diaspora resources. Members of diaspora are positioned at the periphery of national branding organizational field. Therefore, the resources of numerous members of Polish diaspora – dispersed around the whole world – are still underestimated and unused.
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WWI created a global economic crisis, stimulating mass popular protests in all belligerent countries that undermined the state’s legitimacy and triggered the emergence of violence, reminiscing the coercive character of interwar European politics. A central component in this protest on the rear was women’s protests against the misery that ultimately culminated in a series of violent hunger riots denunciating the war effort and political elites. The present article follows this trend in the Bulgarian wartime experience by analyzing the transformation of economic hardships into women-led popular protest. The study focuses on the protesters’ political language and symbolical tactics to politicize everyday social suffering by framing it within the broader context of national solidarity and the war effort. The article argues that the wartime crisis exacerbated the pre-war class conflicts and stimulated mass popular dissent that empowered the women “in the rear” to challenge the state’s authority, insisting on economic redistribution and peace.
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Income and prices are a major economic factor by which the well-being of a country’s population can be determined. The relationship between these two factors is assessed through the “purchasing power” indicator. It is a set of the amount of a given type of commodity that can be purchased with the total average income of a person from a household, in a certain year, if the same is spent on that commodity. In order to follow the current trends in the purchasing power of the Bulgarian population, the article examines the products that have significant consumption. Using statistical methods, modern trends in the development of incomes and the purchasing power of bread and coal products are tracked. A development prognosis for the next two years has been made.
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