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K. Ziegler’s supposition whether Spartacus descended from Thracian’s tribe or not doesn’t practically have any grounds. Plutarch knew for certain that the greatest chief came from a nomad tribe. More over the name of Spartacus itself, without any doubt, is of Thracian origin. The image of a leader of a supposedly slave’s rebellion in ancient Italy is perceived as a famous novel’s character. However, the scientific research permits to apprehend some information about Spartacus in a different way. «The revolution» of Spartacus is the final echo of an allied war. It explains the fact that his army didn’t have any desire to leave Italy and also explains his attempts to start the negotiations and conclude peace on good terms. Getting a civil status as well as Catilina’s conspiracy is the main idea of this movement. Spartacus and Catilina’s last supporters died simultaneously long after their leaders’ death. Spartacus wasn’t a slave. Being a chief at the Roman auxiliary horse military detachment he found himself at gladiator’s school where roman warriors were taken to for committing war crimes or defeats. The gladiators were not only the participants of popular roman entertainments but sometimes they could be used as policemen or auxiliary service. Only in the inner discords in Roman Republic they were seldom used as a special detachment. Spartacus started his activity by organizing a military mutiny in Capua then he formed his army with the citizens of Italy who tried to become closer with their status to the citizens of Rome. The Romans defeated the Italics who supported Spartacus and Catilina but in spite of the Romans’ victory many of the Italics got the civil status. The Romans remembered Spartacus as a barbarian who wanted to be in contact with them as equal. In the roman’s history there were several chiefs of barbarian’s auxiliary forces. In the emperor’s period the barbarians little by little became the basis of the roman’s army. Spartacus was one of the first mercenaries in roman’s service, and that’s why he was well aware of all the peculiarities of the best army of the world of those times. More over he appeared to be a hereditary mercenary and a professional cavalry man which helped him to find the tactic alternative to the unconquerable roman’s infantry. He also knew the theatre of war in Italy not worse than the Romans themselves and that meant a lot. The local inhabitants sympathized with him as his army didn’t behave as conquerors. Only the Odryses and the Getae from Thracians tribes had great horse troops, but the Getae lived a nomad life. Marcus Licinius Crassus’s grand son was the first from the Romans who broke through the future Moesia. Before the battle in the region of future Ratiaria he was watching the ritual of a horse killing which he executed later before the battle of Brundisium. In that battle Spartacus tried to strike the roman chiefs and kill Crassus but the grand son of a possibly imaginary winner preferred to fight himself and win in a single combat with an enemy chief. The name of Spartacus became the symbol of a barbarian as it was known from Thracia. The first «warrior» emperor of Rome Maximinus Thrax governed in 235–238 AC. He descended from the Getae and reminded to the Romans somewhat of Spartacus. The officer-cavalry man who came from Thracia and descended from a nomad tribe gives us a hint that Spartacus descended from the Getae.
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The paper refers to the Bulgarian-Cuman relations during the reign of tsar Boril. According to many researchers, the deteriorated Bulgarian-Cuman relations resulted from the Bulgarian-Hungarian and Bulgarian-Latin alliance after 1214. For the most part, these conclusions sound logical, but at the same time a question related to the limited involvement of Cumans in Boril’s campaigns after 1211 arises. Contrary to researchers who focus on the South and the Bulgarian-Latin conflict, the author seeks a solution to the problem by analysing events to the North, reaching the lands of the Burzenland region in Eastern Transylvania. He analyses the Teutonic-Cuman conflict of 1211–1222, and the success of the Teutons in Cumania after 1215. Finally, the author concludes that the dramatic change in the Bulgarian- Cuman relations could be explained by a new source of military and political influence that emerged in the second decade of the 13th century – The Teutonic Order.
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The portrait of a young Bulgarian Boyar, called Areta, who was presumably a relative of a caesar or sebastokrator, was painted in St. Nicholas Church of Stanichene village in 1331–1332. This article aims at analyzing and reconstructing her beautifully intricate clothing. The history of some of its elements, such as the head-adornment, is difficult to trace. The origin of others may be determined with more certainty; for example, the pattern of one of her shirts is of Byzantine origin and the hanging sleeves of her upper dress come from a tradition dating back to the First Bulgarian Empire. The combination of its three different sleeves can be found only in two more pictorial sources, both from the former territories of Bulgaria and Serbia. Therefore, it is presumed that her costume reflects a local Balkan fashion which emerged during the Second Bulgarian Empire.
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The paper discussed four episodes from the medieval Serbian past when personalunions’ concept formed the basis for resolving complex regional diplomatic relations. The first two dates in King Milutin’s (1282–1321) and Stephen Dečanski`s (1321–1331) reigns. In both instances,the unification proposals came from Bulgaria. Furthermore, Sigismund von Luxembourg (1387–1437) acquired in 1394 the right to receive the Bosnian royal crown. With the decline of Hungarian influence in Bosnia, the prospects of realizing this bold plan lost momentum. The last case examines the prevailing circumstances that led to establishing a short-lived personal union between Bosnia and the Serbian Despotate 1458/1459.
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Among the numerous artifacts preserved in the History of Pharmacy Collection of the National Museum of Transylvanian History in Cluj Napoca (MNIT) there is an unpublished manuscript, a handbook with practical medical advice, dated 1876 and written in Romanian by Iosif Țiucra, a schoolteacher activating in Bârsa (Berza) village, Arad County.This research aims to present Iosif Țiucra, the content of his manuscript and to contextualize his handbook, considering the sanitary problems of the Romanian community in Arad County, in the middle of the nineteenth century.
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This review article focuses on the Czech, Slovak and Czechoslovak historiography of fascism and fascist movements in interwar Czechoslovakia. Its aim is to map, characterize and critically analyze the most important works on Czech and Slovak fascism in the First Republic from contemporary publications to the present. Thus, the chronological scope of the study includes journalistic texts from the interwar period, an extensive output from the communist era, mostly more or less ideologically burdened, as well as the numerous and diverse works of Czech and Slovak historians written since the early 1990s. The author approaches the topic from the point of view of the so-called new consensus, represented mainly by the British historian Roger Griffin, to which the author himself subscribes and which he considers to be the most influential theoretical concept in the study of fascism in contemporary historiography. He sees its main features in the emphasis on ideology in an ideal-typical conception, in the belief in the existence of a general fascism and in methodological empathy, based primarily on the discourse of the fascists themselves. At the same time, the author also shares his critique of the “new consensus”. He suggests that after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Czech and Slovak historiography did not make sufficient use of the inspiration offered by international research for the study of fascism. Although Czech and Slovak historiography quickly shed its ideological allegiance and dealt with the phenomenon of fascism in interwar Czechoslovakia extensively, producing a number of works on the topic, most of these publications have been overwhelmingly narrative and empirical, descriptive rather than analytical. Furthermore, Czech and Slovak historians have not sufficiently reflected on the international debate and current trends in their research on fascism, and have neglected comparative studies, sticking to the usual partial topics. Despite considerable progress, Czech and Slovak historiography, in the light of the “new consensus”, has so far failed to answer a number of key questions about the nature and character of fascism in interwar Czechoslovakia. The author singles out only a few scholars who, in his view, go beyond traditional approaches and are or were at the forefront of international research on fascism: these are, for the period of the 1960s, primarily the Czech-German historian Bedřich Loewenstein (1929–2017) and, more recently, the Slovak historians Anton Hruboň and Miloslav Szabó and the Czech authors Pavel Kotlán and Miroslav Mareš.
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The aim of this study is to present the opportunities for research into the worldview of historians, especially historians focused on contemporary history, where it can be assumed that their set of values may influence their interpretation of the relatively recent past. The author first defines the notion of worldview and justifies the analytical use of this concept in historiographical texts. He also considers the relationship between memory, history and historiography in the given context. The author states that not many Czech historians have so far reflected on the relationship between (individual and collective) memory and the work of the historian, especially with regard to his or her position in contemporary society, which is often reduced to the role of an objective “discoverer of historical truth”. Such (self)reflection presupposes the acknowledgement of the influence of the historian’s individual worldview (a complex of opinions and attitudes shaped by upbringing, education, memories, generational affiliation and so on) on his or her scholarly activity. The author of the study offers two possible and complementary ways to learn about the historian’s worldview: first, through his or her own testimonies and statements from more personal texts and ego-documents (essays, interviews, memoirs or social mediaposts), and second, through the analysis of his or her scholarly texts (journal studies, monographs and book reviews). The author demonstrates both approaches with concrete examples of works by historians of Czech contemporary history and concludes by outlining the aims and purpose of examining the historian’s worldview.
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Dans la présente étude basée sur des documents récemment découverts dans les archives de l'archevêché d'Esztergom, ainsi que dans les archives de la famille Olahus, nous voulons apporter de nouvelles données qui éclairent les lieux obscurs de la généalogie de la famille Olahus, ainsi que des familles Hunyadi, et Dracula. Il s'agit des documents suivants : 1. la lettre d'Oláh István (Stoian Olah) à son fils Nicolaus Olahus: Orăștie (Szászváros, Broos), le 22 avril 1520; 2. la lettre de Ladislaus Drakula à Nicolaus Olahus: Prague, le 11 décembre 1543; 3. Genealogia Nicolai Olahi: une généalogie de la famille Olahus avec des corrections autographes faites par Nicolaus Olahus. La généalogie a été compilée avant le 7 mai 1553 et les corrections autographes d'Olahus ont été faites après cette date; 4. Genealogia R. D. Nicolai Olahi Archiepiscopus Strigoniensis etc., ex relatione Petri Olah, vaivode Transalpinen[sis], rédigé après le 7 mai 1553 par le secrétaire d’Olahus, Liszthy János (†1578). Nos sources fournissent des preuves fiables de l'existence de Marina Hunyadi et de Manzila. La liste des possessions en Valachie de Marina (la liste se trouve dans le document numéro 4) a une valeur particulière pour les futures recherches
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Moving to Romania in 1922, Hagop Djololian Siruni distinguished himself in short time obtaining the support and guidance of well-known historians such as Nicolae Iorga or Aurelian Sacerdoțeanu. He published numerous studies and articles based on archival sources in scientific journals such as ”Analele Academiei Române”, ”Revista Istorică”, ”Balcania”, ”Hrisovul”, ”Arhiva Românească” or ”Revista Arhivelor”. Also, he had a special merit in the development of Oriental Studies in Romania by teaching Armenian and Turkish; the first generation of Romanian researchers in the field of Turkology owed their preparation to Siruni and his language courses. However, the real ”treasure” that he left for the benefit of future generations of Orientalists is the ”Siruni Fond”, nowadays in custody of the National Archives of Romania. Composed of 1975 archival units and having the years 1597 and 1973 as time limits, the fond is too little known and used for scientific research. The reason why the documents and materials are in the possession of the Romanian Archives was the secret police agency involvement in the takeover of Siruni’s belongings.
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The Harmony of the World and the Drying of Faeces. Juliusz Świecianowski and His Works. Juliusz Świecianowski (1834–1900) was a member of the Academia di San Luca, Academia di Belle Arti in Bologna and the Congregazione dei Virtuosi al Pantheon in Rome (today Pontificia Insigne Accademia di Belle Arti e Lettere). He was an architect by education but, above all, a theoretician and inventor. He published his universalistic aesthetic theories alluding to occultism and Kabbalah in many languages. At the same time, he described and patented practical technical devices – faecal dryers, crematoria, and disinfection furnaces – whose task was to free the world from harmful miasms. He was remembered as an eccentric and visionary, believing that the essence of the world’s beauty lies in harmony resulting from the combining of all aspects of nature and human creation and that the salvation for this beauty is the development of the art of hygiene, which will free the world from the harmful fumes of civilization.
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Firstly, the author analyzes those resources of historical memory that distinguish Hungary and Poland from the other states of Central and Eastern Europe. On the one hand, these resources most strongly associate them with the West, and on the other, they allow them to oppose it to justify their alternative development path. Secondly, he analyzes the cases of populists of various types across the region since 1989, highlighting those who campaigned with interpretations of the past to delegitimize political opponents, mainly from the left. Finally, and thirdly, he presents policies of memory of the right-wing governments of Hungary and Poland. In his opinion only they meet the criteria for the definition of historical populism. This term is what he calls a consistent governmental policy aimed at liberal elites and globalization as embodied by the West. It is conducted by changing the sense given to the entire past following the ideology of ethnocentrism and neo-traditionalism. This ideology is addressed to people-nation (lat. populus) to whom it assigns the role of an heir of a unique history and national tradition.
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This article analyzes the imagological relations between Romanians and Hungarians in the Middle Ages. The main question of our study is whether there was ethnic discrimination in medieval Transylvania or whether the relations and the conflicts between Romanians and Hungarians were mainly of a social nature. The sources used are documents issued in the chancelleries of the Kingdom of Hungary, as well as linguistic and ethnographic sources.
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As the history of political ideas shows, the discussion of the imperative mandate is part of the debate about democracy. Starting from the theories of sovereignty, passing through the theory of the representative mandate with its models, the present text shows that, although despised by constitutionalism, the imperative mandate under certain conditions and the instruments similar to the imperative mandate can even be beneficial for democracy in general, and for the Romanian democracy in particular. The article aims to show that the imperative mandate can subsist in various procedures of democratic control and that in the Romanian case, an opening of the debate about the delegate-type representation and even the recall-type instrument would be required
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For many years, tokens from Witalis Dąbrowski’s bakery have been incorrectly ascribed to Kielce at numismatic auctions. Based on the available sources, the author of the article shows that these tokens should be linked with the mining settlement Reden (now a district of Dąbrowa Górnicza), where Witalis Dąbrowski ran a local bakery as early as in the 1880s. Additionally, the author of the article, based on archival sources and the newspapers of that time, attempts to reconstruct and present the life and career of Witalis Dąbrowski.
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The main goal of this study is to create a source for researchers and interpreters who would perform Ludwig van Beethoven’s first written Violoncello-Piano sonata Op. No. 1 No. 5 and his last written violoncello-piano sonata Op. 102 No. 2. In this study, innovations which Beethoven brought to violoncello-piano sonata form are identified. Information is given concerning the life and works of Ludwig van Beethoven and the influences of Beethoven on the violoncello-piano sonata form are discussed. Beethoven's cello-piano sonatas have a very important place in both instrument repertoires. This importance is undoubtedly based on Beethoven's unique musical language and the revolutionary changes which he made in the sonata form. Violoncello-piano sonatas also had their share of these changes. The present study performs a historical and structural analysis of Beethoven’s Op.5 No. 1 and Op. 102 No. 2 Violoncello-Piano Sonatas, two masterpieces of the violoncello and piano repertoire, whose comparative approach in terms of the development of the sonata form represents a part the topical concern of this study. It has been concluded that Beethoven created a unique language in sonata form and these two sonatas exercised great influences on the sonata form with an understanding of pushing the limits of both instruments technically.
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In his Prometheus Unbound, Shelley reinterprets the Promethean mythologeme historicistically and psychodynamically as a response to his time’s political and ideological crisis. The Titan is resemiotised as the central figure of a metapsychological drama, in which the dialectic between the protagonist and his different chronoceptions, represented in the text as characters, takes the form of a complex multivocal negotiation between different types of memory and forgetting, synchronicistic contemplations of the present and protensive anticipations towards the future. These elements converge into a powerful strategy of mental action, or Promethean mnemotechnics, through which the protagonist first releases himself from the captivity of the tyrant Jupiter and then becomes a pragmatic model, to be followed in the reader’s extratextual dimension.
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