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During 1943 there was a consolidation of the national liberation movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the international level, strengthened the anti-fascist forces and the Allies took a major victory over the Axis powers. In addition, at the conference of allies in Tehran recognized the People’s Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as the only force that is fighting against the occupiers and their supporters. During the summer-autumn of 1943 there was a strong inflow of fighters Bosniak and Croatian nationality in partisan units have strengthened the position NOP compared to his opponents. From July, 1943 partisans led offensive actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on this occasion freed many settlements. Units of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) liberated Tuzla, and it was the biggest liberated town in that time in occupied Europe. Thanks to the strengthening of the National Liberation Movement and Bosnia and Herzegovina are able to resist the annexationist aspirations of NDH and the Greater Chetnik movement. In addition, Bosnia and Herzegovina was the center of political life NOP. In Bosnia and Herzegovina were held both battle AVNOJ and it was the seat Central Committee of the Executive Board and then the Presidency of AVNOJ and the National Committee.
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The paper aims at highlighting Serbian reactions and responses to the support provided to Serbia from Russia during the July crisis of 1914 and after Austro-Hungary’s announcement of war against Serbia. The work is based on historical data, published documents, journalism, as well as diaries and memoirs of contemporaries. The review includes the position of diplomatic, political and military leaders of Serbia. Public opinion and views of prominent figures of the time are also examined. Upon receiving the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum on the 23rd of July, the Minister of Finance Lazar Paču first contacted Vasiliy Shtrandtman. Russian chargé d’affaires was thus, according to his own words, the first foreigner cognizant of the ultimatum contents. The diplomat was soon visited by Regent Alexander and the head of the Serbian government Nikola Pašić, who sought advice. Regent Alexander’s telegram to Tsar Nicholas II, sent on the 24th of July, was the following step in the Serbian officials’ reliance on the powerful Slavic state. At the same time, Serbian diplomatic representatives abroad (among whom the most important were those in Rome and London) were informed from Belgrade that the key to the situation lay in the attitude of Russia. The Russian government then counselled Serbia to withdraw the troops if it wasn’t capable of defence, and to allow the great forces to solve the dispute. Russia created and endorsed peace initiatives. In response to the aforementioned letter of Regent Alexander, which Nicholas II sent on the 27th of July, he advised Serbia to support his efforts directed towards «avoiding bloodshed», but he also assured the Regent that «Russia would not abandon Serbia» even in the case of war. Serbia’s great expectations from the orthodox empire were fairly conspicuous. Shtrandtman remembered very emotional reception of the aforementioned Tsar’s telegram. In the official diplomatic relations, the representatives of the Kingdom of Serbia expressed gratitude to Russia for its help. Each move of the Slavic empire was minutely analysed and examined, and there was a «mystical confidence» in its power. The public followed the messages from St. Petersburg very carefully. These were some of the headlines in Serbian newspapers: «Friends care about Serbia»; «Serbia is not alone»; «Serbia is safe, Russia supports it»; «The Russians for the Serbs»; «Russia rises» etc. While protecting its «small ally» from devastation, Russia simultaneously protected its own interests and the reputation of a great power. Moreover, Serbia was given the opportunity to fight for its own survival, and to accomplish its war aims. By a cruel irony, the Russian empire disappeared in the whirlwind of war, and thus its actions were even more respected.
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During the Balkan War of 1912–1913, the Bulgarian army was successfully advancing in Eastern Thrace when it was attacked by massive cholera epidemic. It was carried by the Ottoman army in the very first month of the war, and had a significant influence on the course of hostilities. The strongest spread of the disease coincided with the fighting on November 4th to 5th at Tchataldja, and in no small measure contributed to the failure of the First and Third Bulgarian armies attacking the last fortified line before Constantinople. Bulgarian Government and the High Command tried to limit the scale and effects of cholera, but did not have sufficient resources and capacity to fight with it. No matter how late and limited, the measures taken still gave significant results. They gradually led to a reduction in morbidity and reduce mortality among already infected soldiers. Cholera epidemic caused the deaths of thousands and brought suffering to still more tens of thousands of Bulgarian soldiers. The danger was not taken into account in time, which together with the lack of preventive measures against the disease led to severe depletion of human and material resources of the Bulgarian Army.
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The Avar-Age was one of the longest and most significant phase of the Early Medieval history of the Carpathian Basin. More than 60000 – usually richly furnished – burials are known from this period lasting from 568 to the first half of the 9th century. During these centuries the burial customs were agreeable to the analysis of some elements of the material culture including the weaponry. The actual paper is an attempt to analyse the fighting technology of the Avars by means of two major types of close-combat weapons – the cutting or edge weapons (i.e.: swords, sabres and seaxes) and the polearms (spears, pikes and javelins) – of the Carpathian Basin from the 7th–8th centuries. The reasons for selecting these two weapon types are their relative big quantity and formal variability. Hereby I analyse these weapons from the whole timespan of the Avar Period (that means from 568 to the first half of the 9th century); this way the material is useful not only for the synchronous but for the diachronic investigations as well. The written sources offer scarce information on the Avar army: most of them cover the first half of the Early phase according to the archaeological chronology-system, and mainly draws attention to the Avar – Byzantine wars which ended by the siege of Constantinople in 626. After a long silence, the recovery of written evidence came at the end of the 8th century and beginning of the 9th century when western sources offer detailed description about the Frank – and after Bulgar – Avar wars from 791 till 803. Except from these occasions there is hardly any written evidence for the large part of the military history of the Avar Khaganate. Therefore the archaeological data available mainly from mortuary assemblages become extremely important. It is a well-known fact from the early written sources that the Avar army cannot be considered as homogeneous; it was made up by several co-operating divisions such as heavy- and light-cavalry, infantry, fleet, artillery and engineer corps. It included warriors from different ethnic groups (Avars, Kutrigurs, Gepids, Slavs and even Byzantine renegates). According to the written evidence the Avars were one of the main military powers which could effectually confront with one of the biggest and most multi-faceted force of that period: the Byzantine imperial army. One of the major questions of this paper is, whether this fact is reflected by the archaeological material or not? Furthermore this material is apt to demonstrate some major changes in the armament of the Avars from the late 6th to the early 9th century. This analysis is based on the formal classification of both the polearms and the cutting weapons. The main attribute used to classify these objects was the blade of the weapons, which is probably also suitable for the identification of their original function. The polearms form a considerable part of the Avar weaponry, 577 examples are known recently mainly from male or horse burials. By the physical properties of these weapons some functional observations can be made. The spearheads with narrow reed-leaf shaped blade (L.I) with their rhomboid cross section and thick neck is suitable to bear frontal impact without bending or breaking. Because of these physical attributes this group together with the II. group may be identified with pikes used to break through the armour of the foe. This type can be connected to the heavy armoured cavalry, which played a considerable role in the 6-7th century due to the extensive application of the newly appeared stirrups which increased the effectivity of this division. According to the written sources the main weapon used by this cavalry was a long shafted polearm called kontos or kontarion in the Byzantine sources. A large part of the polearms of this period is composed of spears with wide leaf-shaped blade. Since its blade usually bends or breaks in the case of frontal impacts as shown by several injured examples – this type was not suitable for using it as a pike. Its main area of distribution lies in Transdanubia together with some features which links this region to the Merovingian world. This type was mainly combined with umbos and double-edged swords with wide blade and fuller: the so-called spathas. This could be the armament of the infantry composed mainly – but not exclusively – from the local Germanic or Slavic population. The cutting or edge weapons are far less suitable for such investigation, although general trends could be observed in their evolution. The number of the cutting weapons exceeds the quantity of the polearms (674 examples are known at present). The classification of this weapon type resulted in four major groups based on the blade: double- and single-edged swords, sabres (with curved blade) and seaxes. In general, the following trends can be observed: the decline of the usage of the double-edged swords and the appearance and general spread of the single-edged swords and sabres. Henceforth I will concentrate on some of these processes: 1. the transition from double-edged to single-edged swords, 2. the formation of sabre, 3. the increasing importance of seaxes in the late phase. The Avar army could successfully confront with the Byzantine military forces in the late 6th and early 7th century and gave various contributions to its development shown by the Stategikon of Maurice. Although the Avar Khaganate lost its political significance in the later period which is reflected even in the weaponry. Judging by the aforementioned phenomena the Avar army gradually lost its effectivity and technological superiority which is reflected both in the archaeological and written sources concerning the late phase of the Avar Khaganate.
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Analytical assessment of the sources that contain specific information about annexing, territorial scope and importance of the Trans-Danubian lands of the renewed Bulgarian tsardom under Theodore-Peter and Asen I-Belgun gives rise to some conclusions. Above all, it becomes clear that a large part of the Trans-Danubian lands of early-medieval Bulgarian realm were again under Bulgarian control in the late twelfth century. These lands were of secondary importance in the politics of the Tarnovo rulers from the twelfth to fourteenth century. Their importance was mostly in their role as a buffer between the center Bulgarian area of Moesia and Hungarian Kingdom, and as a “corridor” along which military reinforcements for the Bulgarian army passed such as Cumans, Brodnici and other steppe allies. But in the first decades after the beginning of the Bulgarian liberation uprising the territories north of the Danube played a strategic role in its success. It was there that Theodore-Peter and Asen-Belgun found safe haven and restored their military forces; there they concluded alliance with the Cumans and the Brodnici. Otherwise their uprising would be doomed to failure –- in the summer of 1186 it seems completely suppressed. Asens arranged their relations with local tribes so successfully that they were able to ensure secure rear and regular inflow of massive reinforcements.
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Tournaments in medieval Poland testify to the richness of style of courtly lifeand culture. Medieval knights’ tournament is nothing but a combat skills competitionfor knights, those appearing in the lists in order to demonstrate theirskills, strength, courage, and to gain fame, and sometimes money.Charisma players during the tournament struggles and pains that often prevailedmutual confrontations, gives us the awareness that the average ages hadcreated the image of warriors. Knight became one of the leading figures woveninto the very culture that has been created in France. Hence it reached onother areas to grow its roots in Europe, including the lands Polish – Polish court,which in the 15th century tournaments reached a peak of its development.
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This text is intended to identify, clarify and resolve the most frequent examples of methodological inconsistencies found in the current literature by Serbian and foreign researchers, and to point to their conceptual, methodological and factual inconsistencies. This work follows the basic line of conceptual delimitation concerning the phenomenon of the breakup of Yugoslavia, on one hand, and of the violent conflicts in certain Yugoslav republics, on the other. It is based on the interdisciplinary analysis of the findings in the field of international relations and historical analysis, while relying primarily on the fundamental sources of historical material. Henceforth, this paper will address the issues of correct determining of the main and secondary actors, temporal determination and elements for making a clear and unambiguous definition of the armed conflict in Croatia.
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This paper presents a very specific issue from the first campaign of World War II – fights between German cavalry and a Polish mixed battlegroup, which took place near the town of Myszyniec on 1 September 1939. Being aware of a very rich historiography referring to this subject, the author decided to focus on the tactical level of warfare in Poland, based on a case study. This very fragment of history has been chosen for the analysis because of two factors. First, the use of cavalry in 1939 is stereotypically linked with only Polish cavalry units, which is a considerable oversimplification. The author decided to make research on combats and actions of German cavalry formations, in this particular paper, focusing on a very short period of time and small area. This resulted in an in-depth analysis of the topic, leading to interesting conclusions about the adversaries’ tactics. Moreover, it was possible to accurately estimate losses in people and equipment. The second factor that contributed to the choice of the topic is a rich source database, enabling comparison and analysis of sources created by the opponents. Rich German and Polish historiography has also been thoroughly researched. It is quite surprising that although there is a lot of literature concerning the Polish Campaign published both in Poland and Germany, authors of only few publications honestly relied on sources of both sides, concluding with proper synthesis. This research is based on the primary sources material – operational and tactical information about the combats. The material can be found mainly in two groups of archives: operational documents of the Wehrmacht’s 3rd Army Operational Branch (Ia) and accounts of Polish soldiers and officers who fought in “Myszyniec” battlegroup. German and Polish books constitute secondary sources.
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Based on the information from the tahrir, mevâcib and mukataa registers, the study shows how the policies of conquest and centralization, which shaped Ottoman mentality and institutions, also affected the evolution of fortresses in the Balkans in the fifteenth century; their structure, their personnel and equipment. The analysis of these fortresses, their structure and the policies which governed them makes it possible to understand one of the keystones of Ottoman sovereignty in the Balkans. This study tries to explain the dynamic and evolving structure of the Ottoman fortresses and the new policies to which they gave rise.
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At the end of October 1918, after four years of war, the Austro-Hungarian monarchy collapsed. The army from the front changed into a horde of displaced persons wanting to return home as quickly as possible. The legal authorities perished into ash, blasted away by a hurricane of enjoyment and rebellion blowing through the constituent countries of the Austro-Hungarian empire and nations of the dying Holy Roman Empire. It acted from Trieste to Suczawa, from Bregenz to Dolna Watra. Galicia and Lodomeria and the principalities of Oświęcim, Zator, and Kraków resisted being taken over. The coup occurred quickly and almost without pain.
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History of Balkan Muslims during the nineteenth and early decades of the twentieth century was marked by the mass exodus, forced deportations, continuous assimilation pressures undefined minority status within the emerging Balkan states, latent or blatant discrimination, repression and uncertainty.
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The contemporary research on the psychology of the battle field should take into consideration the fact that the ancients did not approach the phenomena relating to the sphere of psychology thoughtlessly and unreflectively, yet they looked upon them in a slightly different manner than the contemporary scholars. It was already Plato who defined the difference between the unequivocally positive courage resulting from the decision of the mind, and audacity being the fruit of extra-rational or non-rational conditionings. The latter appraised positively or else in an ambivalent way in military circles, is regarded as one of the most strongly criticized faults in the political discourse. This ambivalence is well visible in the work of Ammianus Marcellinus which having been written at the close of the ancient era, may be perceived as the epitome of the ancient viewpoint also as regards this issue. An analysis of the various uses of the term audacia with reference to soldierly bravado reveals both the distinction between this attitude and real fortitude (fortitude), as well as its ambivalent appraisal. It seems that the reason of such an ambivalent appraisal may be the ancient man’s fear of those aspects of the human psyche which elude the control of the mind.
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Since the very beginning of human civilization, warfare has always been associated with the history of mankind. As a consequence of wars, some empires were created and others disappeared. The decisions of great generals, the grand strategies of the armies and the spectacular battles have been of interest to historians ever since the beginning of historiography. The longer the time-interval from the described situations the more wars tended to be regarded exclusively as phenomena in macro-scale, where the individual human being seemed to be completely insignificant and deprived of any meaning in comparison with the mass of soldiers. In the course of the last few decades one can observe a change in that tendency. Scholars are more and more often interested in individuals and this trend is visible even in such a distant epoch as antiquity. Some detailed analyses have revealed that although so many years have passed, individuals on the battlefield aren’t completely anonymous, and our sources let us formulate some opinions about the behavior of individuals during battle. Focusing on the individual soldier may allow us to take a closer look at an ancient battle, see the reality through his eyes and ultimately perceive things we have never been aware of.
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The multiethnic army of the Late Roman Empire generated a huge number of disciplinary problems. Reading the work of Vegetius we hear about serious negligence in the overall military discipline. Other sources inform us repeatedly about mutinies, desertions and self-mutilations of the soldiers who wanted to avoid being incorporated into the army. Very often the mentality of barbarians (e.g. the Huns) in the service of the Roman Army was completely contradictory to the requirements of the Roman law and military customs. A huge role in keeping discipline in army ranks was played by a commander. He was expected to look after his soldiers, build a manly spirit in the detachment, inspire his people by examples of personal courage and – what was truly no less important – have a good fortune on the battlefield. As an impact factor exerting influence on the soldiers, they tried to use not only the harsh punishments, but also some psychological methods e.g. if the signs from the gods were auspicious, they tried to spread the news as far and wide as possible; they took care of the sick and wounded; they supervised the supply of goods and an equitable sharing of the spoils. However whenever they considered it useful, they also resorted to blackmail, taking soldiers’ families hostage; they also threatened that the commander would resign or cut off the only way of escape without any hesitation. Understanding the psychological effects of such actions constitutes a real research challenge.
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The purpose of the piece is to present an interdisciplinary analysis of the Early-Slavic military, particularly in the context of battlefield psychology. First, the text studies the behavior of the Slavs before, during and after military engagements, as presented by Early Byzantine authors (particularly the author of Strategikon). Next, the stratagems and schemes employed by Slavs are compared against the contemporary findings in the area of battlefield psychology and social psychology. The results clearly indicate that Slavic warriors were very much aware of their own strengths and weaknesses and could use them to their advantage. The „psychological warfare” practiced by the Slavs was developed by observing human nature and instinctively employing mechanisms described by contemporary science
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What seems to be especially interesting to historians undertaking research into the issue of the “culture of fear” in the 19th century is a confrontation of “traditional” fear associated with forces of nature with “civilization-based fear”, caused by a rapid development of industrial culture and a demographic revolution. Yet although the 19th c. literature devoted to the theory of fear seems to be quite prolific and varied, the topic of battlefield fear, or else fear experienced by soldiers, seems to be relatively unexplored. The image of an undaunted fearless soldier, which had been shaped by European Romanticism up until the end of the 19th c. had not been subjected to a fundamental verification. It was only the studies carried out by psychologists at the turn of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th c., and especially the experiences of the First World War that had forced researchers to modify their views with regard to soldierly fear. The protracted trench war had caused reactions among soldiers which had by far surpassed the schematic conceptions of emotions experienced on the battlefield, inducing scholars to undertake more complex research devoted to the issue of soldierly fear.
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One of the key factors during any war is the morale and discipline of the troops. Those two issues are closely interconnected. The same applies to the Anglo-Boer War. The case of the Boer forces, which were composed of irregular militiamen, is especially interesting. The latter did not know the European-style discipline. This was a problem during the regular phase of the war, but paradoxically it was less of a problem in the guerilla phase of war. In fact the high morale was an effect of self imposed discipline, which in turn was an effect of the high morale. The present text constitutes an endeavor to study the correlation between morale and discipline in Boer commandos; its goal is also to shed light on the issue of how the two had influenced one another.
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