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In 1958, a team of Soviet Antarctic researchers set up a research station close to the Southern Pole of Inaccessibility. Less than a month later, the research team abandons the station but not before installing on its structure a golden bust of Lenin, made of plastic.Ever since, the place has been visited by other Soviet research teams, but also by American,British and Norwegian Antarctic explorers. In 2007, the research station had been completely buried under snow, while Lenin’s bust was fully visible and some “visitors” took some selfies with the “monument”. At the intersection of the logic of politics and geopolitics (of marking the Soviet presence in Antarctica) with the logic of the monumental narrative, the 1958 act of the team of researchers puts into question - or even into predicament - the concept of “public monument” and points to the problematization of a potential public space that is both fictional and symbolically appropriated,
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Review of: Fazekas István – Gebei Sándor – Pálosfalvi Tamás: Rendi országgyűlések a Magyar Királyságban a 18. század elejéig. Országház Könyvkiadó, Budapest, 2020. 475 oldal.
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Utopia is considered as a system of symbolic stimuli by means of which it is possible to manipulate not only social but also genetic mechanisms. The author is not interested in utopias in general, nor their history, but "utopias that dominated the masses“ during one or two centuries, i.e. universal utopias that had social and cultural functionality for several generations. The strength of utopia lies in the fact that it uses the fundamental properties of man: insecurity, limitation, temporality in any social and metaphysical space. Utopias have a social, economic, psychological, anthropological and geographical function.
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There had been a total of six lawsuits against Ferenc Szálasi in the Horthy era: five libel suits and one political suit had been filed against the future Leader of the Nation in court . This study examines the libel suits based on the available archival sources, relevant press releases, and historical literature related to the topic. The authorities filed the suits because of the following Szálasi pamphlets: in March and August 1937 because of the text titled Hungarian Worker! Comrade! (Magyar Munkás! Eszmetárs!), the articles published in the same year in the New Hungarian Worker (Uj Magyar Munkás) newspaper, the Decree of the Hungarian National Socialist Party Leadership (Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Párt Vezetőségi Határozata), written in collaboration with co-president Lajos Széchenyi in February 1937, and Memorandum No. 4., published in July 1937. In these lawsuits Szálasi was found guilty in incitement against class and religion, according to Article 172(2) of the Csemegi Code, as well as in incitement against the state according to Article 5 of Act III of 1921 About The More Effective Defence of State and Social Order. However, despite several motions from the prosecution, the court elected to not penalize him for conspiracy against the state according to Article 1-2, and libel against the nation according to Article 7 of the same Act. Due to the low penalties given in these libel suits, the court sentenced Ferenc Szálasi to three years, one month and thirteen days in prison in 1940 as an aggregate punishment.
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Through the example of a lord lieutenant (főispán), Sándor Erdősy, this study examines how questioning his honor affected the career of a lord lieutenant during the early 20th century, and how much did the verdict of the honor court following a refused duel contribute to his downfall. Erdősy was the head of Maros-Torda County and Marosvásárhely for only a few months in 1910. The conflicts in the county started to intensify as early as the internal crisis of 1905-1906, eventually leading to the altercation analized in this study, which received national publicity. While examining this sprawling story we can learn about the intertwining of local and national politics, as well as the utility of the press as a political weapon, but the study is primarily concerned with the conflicting concepts of honor in this case, how various parties instrumentalized the concept of honor, and how political interests partially triumphed over group norms.
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Az első világháború kitörésekor a Francia Idegenlégió már több mint nyolcvan éves múlttal rendelkező haderő volt a francia hadseregen belül, s az évtizedek során széles körben ismertté és elismertté vált. A soraiban szolgáló önkéntes zsoldoskatonák a világ minden tájáról érkeztek, ebből kifolyólag jelentkezési motivációjuk is eltérő volt. A franciák által máig Grande Guerre-nek nevezett első világháború különleges helyzetet teremtett, aminek hatására a jelentkezés indítékai is megváltoztak. Az önkéntesek között akadtak olyanok, akiket a dicsőség kivívása, illetve a francia állampolgárság megszerzése motivált, s olyanok is, akiket a Légió romantikája vonzott – ám az esetek döntő többségében ezek az emberek előbb vagy utóbb csalódtak elvárásaikban, és dezertáltak. Bűnözők is tarkították az Idegenlégió sorait, akiket a világháborút megelőzően valamilyen bűncselekmény elkövetése miatt börtönbüntetésre ítéltek, de megkapták a lehetőséget, hogy önként jelentkezve kiválthassák büntetésüket
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Az ukrán területek egyesítése egy szuverén állam keretében hosszú évszázadokig húzódott, a mai Ukrajna egyes régiói a 10. századtól kezdve egymástól eltérő kultúrájú, vallású és politikai berendezkedésű államok kötelékébe tartoztak. Ez megosztotta Ukrajna történelmét, megnehezítette az egységesítő törekvéseket, valamint hozzájárult ahhoz, hogy az „ukrán földeken”1 kialakult történelmi régiók jelentős különbségeket mutattak és mutatnak a mai napig is.
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After the Hungarian Revolution had been crushed by superior numbers from two sides, a group of former officers fleeing to Turkey in the Summer and Autumn of 1849 took on a unique assignment. They volunteered to the retinue of former Governor Lajos Kossuth, who had also been forced into exile, and accompanied him as guards and other personnel from his time in Vidin until he got his freedom in September 1851. The leaders of the Ottoman Empire, supported by France and Britain, refused Kossuth’s extradition to the Habsburgs, but they were forced to keep their now world-famous guest from re-entering the political stage in Europe. Therefore Kossuth had become an “involuntary guest”, essentially a prisoner in the city of Kütahya in Western Anatolia. His hosts tried to mitigate the insulting nature of this situation by letting him keep certain formal aspects of his status as governor, most importantly by letting him have a retinue. This group formed as a volunteer squadron of officers in the Autumn of 1849 to undertake the tasks necessary to preserve the life and working circumstances of Kossuth, who was still considered a head of state. They were also responsible for the fact that while there were rumors of planned assassinations against the governor, no such attempt actually took place. Several interesting details of the service of these officers can be found in their journals and correspondence. Luckily we can also remember the faces of “Kossuth’s followers”, since their portraits made by American painter Walter Gould in June 1851 can be seen to this day.
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Elek Kocsi Horváth (1830–1897) was just one of the Hungarian officers whose life had been forever changed by his experiences during and after the Revolution of 1848-49. He most likely managed to avoid retribution due to his loyal family and failing health. He had work befitting his education and social status during the difficult years following the war. His happy marriage was overshadowed by tragedies. He was proud of his participation in the revolution. Later in his life he was admitted to the Veterans’ Home due to his rank of first lieutenant, even though he moved there only out of necessity. In the end the challenges of the societal changes of the era and his personality defined Elek Horváth’s life more than his past in the military.
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The decades of the second half of the 8th century are one of the darkest periods in our medieval history, both because of the proverbial lack of information and because of the ambiguity and contradictions in the little sources which are available. Despite the multiple attempts of researchers to overcome these ambiguities, it seems that this period of the history of the Bulgarian state, full of historical figures and events, will remain a great mystery for historians. The aim of the present work is, by systematizing most of these attempts in Bulgarian and foreign historiography from the beginning till present days, to reveal the leading hypotheses about the genesis and essence of the political crisis in early medieval Bulgaria, as well as to highlight the main problems that preoccupy researchers of this period.
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1893. június 3-án Keill Károly volt ’48-as honvéd hadnagy precíz, jól olvasható összeállítást készített „Az 1848-49iki Magyar gránátos zászlóalj tisztjeinek névsora, melyekkel szolgáltam s nevei még emlékezetemben van” címmel.1
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The rule of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko almost always remains on the periphery of the Soviet Union's history.The two are some of the less known rulers of the communist state. Their names remain hidden behind those of Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbachev. But this does not mean that their time was devoid of changes. As a result of it, the transition from Brezhnev's stagnation to Gorbachev's perestroika took place... Or at least it was not stopped.
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Hölgyeim és Uraim, engedjék meg, hogy előadásom elején felhívjam figyelmüket az Osztrák Kulturális Minisztérium 2022 januárjában kiadott sajtóközleményére, amelyben a következőt olvashatjuk: „Habár Ausztriát történetileg nem tekintjük gyarmattartó hatalomnak, a kurrens kutatási eredmények arra utalnak, hogy a Habsburg Monarchia több szempontból is részt vett a gyarmati ügyekben.”
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Review of: Klikkharcok az emigrációban. Carmen Soliz: Fields of Revolution ‒ Agrarian Reform and Rural State Formation in Bolivia, 1935-1964. Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh, 2021. 281 oldal (1904–1972) délvidéki emigráns magyar politikus válogatott iratai (1949–1954). Közreadja: Dévavári Zoltán. Lymbus Kötetek 4. Budapest, Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont, 2021. 236 oldal.
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Review of: Klikkharcok az emigrációban. Nagy Iván (1904–1972) délvidéki emigráns magyar politikus válogatott iratai (1949–1954). Közreadja: Dévavári Zoltán. Lymbus Kötetek 4. Budapest, Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont, 2021. 236 oldal.
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Review of: Tóth Gergely: Japán–magyar kapcsolattörténet, 1869–1913. Gondolat Kiadó, Budapest, 2018. 338 oldal.
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Foreign trade policies are one of the important tools used to determine the development policies of a country and to gain competitive power for the domestic producer. The Republic of Turkey, which was founded in 1923, was able to achieve its economic independence in 1929 due to the capitulation policy of the Ottoman Empire on the basis of provisionism. In the Trade Regime Negotiations in Lausanne, it was decided to implement a 5-year temporary regime process as a result of tough negotiations with England and France, who wanted a 20-year temporary regime. During the period when the temporary regime was in effect, it was decided to implement the "1916 Tariff" based on a specific duty, which was created after the unilateral abolition of the capitulations on the grounds of World War I. Obtaining the independence to determine foreign trade policy before the Great Depression of 1929 provided an important economic advantage for the country at a time when protectionism was on the rise. In the study, the effects of the 1838 Anglo-Ottoman Treaty and 1861 System Trade agreements on the emergence of a foreign-dependent economy, the protectionist aspect of the 1916 Customs Tariff that became dysfunctional due to high inflation, the destruction of the subsistence economy with the capitalist transformation triggered by the increase in foreign trade, the Trade Regime Commission, document number 5, in which the decisions regarding the trade regime after the Treaty of Lausanne were taken, the class conflict based on the Supreme Economic Council and chambers before the 1929 Customs Tariff, and the protectionist aspect of the 1929 Customs Tariff will be discussed. Although the main factor in the emergence of a foreigndependent economy is capitulations, it can be stated that in a period when mercantilist policies were effective, the state's encouraging imports and controlling exports in order to keep the goods abundant in the foreign trade market led to the emergence of a dependent economy. Therefore, it can be stated that capitulations both triggered the process of capitalism through trade and also caused the termination of economic practices that did not reflect the realities of the age. As a result of the struggle against the capitulations, it was understood that economic independence should not be compromised and this motivation became the driving force in the Lausanne negotiations. It can be stated that the first actions of industrialization moves were created in this period, with the independence of foreign trade policy in 1929 in accordance with the Treaty of Lausanne.
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The organization of the centralized public health services plays a significant role during the construction of modern nation states. Similarly, during the construction of the modern Turkish state, the organization of public health services, especially the health institutions necessary to combat epidemics, played an important role. While there were developments such as the establishment of health service organizations and the production of national vaccines and medicines from the foundation of the republic until the end of World War II, in the postwar period the insurance institutions were established and it was aimed to expand the public health services with the socialization practices. While with the abandonment of socialization practices in the 1970s, health services became dependent on the market, the process of marketization in health both was accelerated and deepened with the neoliberal policies that dominated the world in the 1980s. Health services underwent radical changes in all areas from financing to organizational structure, from employment to service delivery with the 2003 Health Transformation Programme. As a complement to this fundamental transformation in health services, the "City Hospitals" project was started to be implemented in 2005 as a "Public Private Partnership" model, which is described as the "Second Phase of Health Transformation Programme". This study aims to address the changes and transformations that health services have undergone in the 100 years since the foundation of the republic. Such a historical evaluation is only possible if the projections of the economic and political transformations in Turkey on health services are taken into consideration. Therefore, the health policies implemented in the period from the early years of the republic to the present day are analyzed together with the transformations in the economic and political structures behind them. In addition, the study aims to reveal the current state of health policies and public health services shaped by these policies and the problems of this current situation in the 100th anniversary of the republic.
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