Raudsepp: olemas!
Review of: Hugo Raudsepp. Nüüd ma tahan mõõka tõsta. Eesti mõttelugu 108. Koostanud Hando Runnel. Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2012. 487 lk.
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Review of: Hugo Raudsepp. Nüüd ma tahan mõõka tõsta. Eesti mõttelugu 108. Koostanud Hando Runnel. Tartu: Ilmamaa, 2012. 487 lk.
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The Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, was in reality, not the end, but the beginning of another partition of the world.The main actors in the political constraint were the same in 1919 as they were in 1945, with the exception of Russia. However, the division of roles and the balance of power developed somewhat differently. There is no doubt that World War I was decided by the entry of the United States on the side of the Entente. Marshal Ferdinand Foch, the commander of the Allied forces, and the commander in charge of leading the security zone, commanding the Rhine army saw this clearly. Of course, others have seen it as well. The French delegation in Paris refused to sign the peace treaty only on the condition that a supplement treaty guaranteeing France’s security is signed at the same with Britain and the United States. The signing of the document took place on 28 June 1919. Subsequently, however, this guarantee disappeared: the U.S. Senate did not ratify the Treaty of Versailles. It is difficult to judge whether this contributed to the fact that Britain was no longer clearly in favor of French interests at this time. The European policy of the United States has been primarily aimed at securing the reconstruction of Europe. There was a simple reason for this: only the German economy could secure the repayment of huge debts – it could not count on the French and the British. This had two consequences. The first is that Germany has obtained huge loans (Dawes and Young plans) that have guaranteed foreign investment. The second was a foreign policy move: the United States had repeatedly ratified its law of intervention by 1939, which also stated that it would not interfere in and deliver weapons to war zones. All this favored Germany and Japan, adversely affected British and French foreign policy.
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Beyond all political or economical dimensions 12th September 1980 Military Coup has had a bloody and dark shadow casting for years over social lives in the country. It was definitely radical in terms and created its own extraordinary legal conditions which shaped the nation for generations with all its political, cultural and social consequences. Compared to the country’ s past, the most important result of staying out of politics among society is that the emerging popular culture, converting social life and consumption habits accompanied by the changes having no boundaries on youth and their attitudes, behaviours besides of course all the main differences becoming clear in many sectors or fields. Either globalization or the coup’ s subversive impact social life has transformed significantly and uploaded many new meanings which have never been experienced.
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Relations between Romania and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia went through several stages in the period 1919-1941. From the tensions marked by the Banat issue (1919-1920), at the level of allied countries within the Little Entente (from 1921) and the Balkan Entente (from 1934). That is why Romania’s diplomatic mission in Belgrade, raised to the status of an embassy between 1939 and 1940, was an important diplomatic post in Romania’s diplomatic network. However, in the analyzed period, the diplomatic mission had a staff equivalent to that of the diplomatic representations in the capitals of other allied states (Prague, Warsaw), but less numerous compared to Romania’s diplomatic missions in the capitals of the great powers (Paris, London, Washington). But unlike the diplomatic mission in Warsaw and the capitals of other important states for Romania’s foreign policy, the legation and then the embassy in Belgrade was led by five heads of mission. This fact demonstrates a stability at the level of the leadership of the diplomatic mission in the capital of the neighboring and allied state. At the same time, analyzing the profile of the diplomats who were active in the period 1919-1941 at the diplomatic mission in Belgrade, we notice, on the one hand, that most of them had law studies, and, on the other hand, that it existed at the level of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Romania the tendency to train diplomats specialized in Balkan matters.
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The Balkan Peninsula was one of the regions in which Britain placed great emphasis on organising clandestine actions during the Second World War. On the one hand, London was keen on securing its strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and, on the other, to prevent Nazi Germany to get food and oil products from the Balkan countries. In this context, Yugoslavia represented an important field of action for Britain in organising clandestine operations in Romania. Many of the British secret agents who arrived in Romania during this period came via Yugoslavia, and some of those who had to withdraw from Bucharest after 1940 did so via Belgrade. The blockade of German oil tankers on the Danube was also organised with the help of Yugoslavia. Our study attempts to shed light on these connections between the two countries, which, although holding a different status during the war years, were often perceived by British intelligence as a united front.
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This paper has been written based on the Yugoslav archival sources and relevant Serbian/Yugoslav and Romanian literature. It represents an attempt of reconstruction of Yugoslav policy towards Romania at the time of the Romanian internal crisis and the breakdown of communication between the King and the government. The emphasis was given to the Yugoslav support embodied in the readiness to cooperate with the government of Petru Groza in political, diplomatic, and economic fields despite the fact that diplomatic relations had not been established between the two countries by then.
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Materials from the conference “German Reunification - Successes and Challenges in the Light of Contemporary Debates": Of Learning Processes and Search Movements, or: On the Historicization of the „Aufbau Ost“ („Reconstruction East“)
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The paper focuses on Serbian media coverage of the historic events in Romania in December 1989. It pays particular attention to Yugoslav evaluations of the Romanian upheaval and the course of events that led to the fall of the regime in Bucharest. The research included press reports and comments from the most influential Serbian daily newspapers (Politika, Ekspres politika, Večernje novosti) and magazines (Nin, Duga and Ilustrovana politika). The paper aimed at evaluating the level of impartiality and objectivity of Yugoslav press reports and comments on the revolt in Romania and overthrow of Nicolae Ceauşescu’s regime in December 1989. The research puts the analysis of Yugoslav/Serbian perceptions of the revolt in Romania in the broader context of Yugoslav views on the Perestroika and its ideological and geopolitical consequences behind the Iron Curtain in 1989.
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In this study we follow the activity carried out by the country’s chancellery during the third reign of Gheorghe Duca in Moldavia (1678-1683). I focused my attention on the two great logothetes who led this institution in these years, namely Nicolae Racoviţă and Miron Costin, but I also considered the second and third logothete, such as Vasile Gheuca, Gavril Neaniul or Neculai Murgulet. For each of these, we followed the “career” prior to Duca’s return to Moldova, why the old logothetes were replaced by new ones, what were the relations between the prince and the boyars and so on. I was also interested in whether these boyars or their families enjoyed the benefits of the office, and the jobs they held during this time. It is known that the relations between the prince and the country’s elite were not the best, with the boyars pursuing the overthrow of the Duca, attempting a resumption of the revolt from the second reign. Even if they failed to implement the plan, they did not give up the idea, some fled to Poland, when the prince was out of the country (Neculai Murgulet), others ended up beheaded (like Vasile Gheuca), and others waited until 1683, when they left the prince and joined the Polish troops (Neculai Racoviţă), thus succeeding in removing Gheorghe Duca from the Moldavian throne. Only Miron Costin proved loyal to the prince until the end.
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Necip Ali (Küçüka) Bey is generally known as a legist because he is the prosecutor of the Ankara Independence Courts. In addition to his legal identity, he served as a Denizli deputy for five terms in the parliament, worked as an administrator in community centers, wrote articles in various newspapers and magazines such as Ulus Newspaper, Ülkü Journal and Adliye Ceridesi, and eventually continued his writing life here by publishing a newspaper called Adalet. With Necip Ali Bey as the concession holder and leader writer, and Cemal Hakkı Selek as the editor-in-chief, the Hakikat Newspaper began its publication life on 19 July 1940, by being printed in the Cumhuriyet Printing House in Istanbul. As a daily evening newspaper, the newspaper continued its publication life in four pages with political, economic and literary contents. As the leader writer, Necip Ali Bey wrote in the newspaper his thoughts on the world war, the policies of the states involved in the war, Turkey's view of the war, the economic events in the country and the studies carried out against it and the population of Turkey. The daily Hakikat Newspaper is a daily evening newspaper that covers the policies of the states that are heavily involved in the war, the general course of the war, and many issues in and out of the country. In the study, all the issues of the journal, published between 19 July 1940 and 31 December 1940, were examined and all the articles by Necip Ali Bey were read and evaluated.
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The caliphate turned into a sultanate after four caliphs and gained a political identity. The caliphate finally passed to the Ottoman Empire after the Egyptian campaign of Yavuz Sultan Selim in 1517. On November 1, 1922, the sultanate was abolished and a year later, on October 29, 1923, the Republic was proclaimed. On March 3, 1924, Turkey abolished the institution of the caliphate, which had been going on for 14 centuries. The abolition of the caliphate is one of the most important events in recent history. Although the debates between the leading Pashas of the National Struggle and Sir Rauf and Mustafa Kemal Pasha have been comprehensively handled, when the studies on the abolition of the caliphate are examined, it has been seen that the developments that took place between them remained superficial and were not adequately addressed. For this reason, the aim of the study is to comprehensively address, identify and describe the events that took place at that time. Mainly, the discussions about Kazım Karabekir Pasha, Refet (Bele) Pasha, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) Pashas and Sir Rauf (Orbay) efforts to unite around the caliph after the abolition of the sultanate were examined. The evaluations about the reactions of the pashas and Sir Rauf towards the abolition of the caliphate were emphasized. In this study, the historical research method was applied in general. Archival documents, memoirs, newspapers of the period and various copyright-reviewed works were used in the study.
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In this article, in which Nevres Efenedi's perception of Iranians and Shiites and his views as an early reformist, is studied through his work named Tarihiçei Nevres, it is attempted to examine whether he was also under the influence of Ibn Khaldunist views of history and society, like the opposition intellectuals of his time. For this purpose, Nevres Efendi's unique and early reformist ideas, are discussed with a descriptive and comparative method in the light of studies about the other early reformist and Ibn Khaldunist intellectuals who looked for remedies to prevent decline of the Ottoman Empire. Tarihçe-i Nevres is studied not in terms of the political reasons and results of the Revan Campaign, but in terms of early modern traces and Ibn Khaldunist influences, within the framework of sub-headings such as Shiite perception, approach to the ancient law, criticism of state institutions. The rationale of this study is based on the fact that Nevres Efendi, who is thought to be a dissident and early reformist and was assumed to be influenced by the Ibn Khaldunist point of view, and his work, Tarihi-i Nevres, were excluded from evaluation by Ottoman researchers. Being almost the very first study on Tarihçe-i Nevres makes this attempt a pioneering but limited experiment.
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Our paper aims to analyse the functions fulfilled by the orders and medals in the Romanian state under the reign of Carol I. The decorations were a symbol of sovereignty, and for that precise reason it was difficult for the Romanian state to institute such awards before gaining the Independence. In the diplomatic field, the decorations were a powerful tool, required by the expectations of the foreign politicians and diplomatic practices of the time. The wars fought by Romanian army have as a consequence the creation of new awards, dedicated especially to the military merits. Other function of the decorations came from the necessity to fixate major events in public conscience, or to create a link between the king and his subjects. The most important function was to reward the services rendered to the state and the nation; it was also the most controversial, because of the potential abuse by officials in distributing honours. It was essential for modern states to reward meritorious citizens, by doing so they are transformed in examples for other to follow. In the early years of the Romanian system of awards the attention is focused on the political and social elite, as demonstrated by the founding of two orders in rapid succession. Starting with the end of the 19th century, the award system becomes more democratic, more inclusive, materialized by the establishment of several medals aimed at diverse socio-professional groups.
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Od prve polovice 19. stoljeća razvija se velikosrpski projekt koji za svoju bitnu sastavnicu uključuje genocidnu komponentu. Nakon velikosrpskoga nacionalnog programa Vuka S. Karadžića „Srbi svi i svuda“ (1836) i „Načertanija“ Ilije Garašanina (1844), godine 1902. Nikola Stojanović objavljuje u beogradskom Srpskom književnom glasniku članak (na temelju jednoga svoga ranije održanog predavanja na godišnjoj skupštini Srpskoga akademskog društva Zora iz Beča) pod naslovom „Srbi i Hrvati“, koji je potom pretiskan u zagrebačkom Srbobranu (glasilu Srpske samostalne stranke). Ubrzo je u Novom Sadu objavljeno i 2. izdanje s Pogovorom, da bi članak poslije postao općepoznat pod kolokvijalnim naslovom „Do istrage naše ili vaše“, što je zapravo citat iz samog teksta te savršeno sažima temeljnu autorovu tezu.
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He succeeded in bringing the Baburid State to wide borders and a mighty build. Aurangzeb followed a prudent policy in the early part of his reign. The last period of Aurangzeb’s life was marked by his struggle for the annexation of the Shi’i Deccan sultanates and for the termination of the Marathas activities in the Western Deccan. The policy of expansion towards the south, which started during the reign of Akbar, continued in the periods of Jahangir and Shah Jahan, but this policy could not be concluded. Aurangzeb continued this expansion policy by making it the main target of the Baburids. Since 1681, he concentrated the military operations in Deccan and moved the center of gravity of the state to the south. The resistance of the Deccan sultanates revealed difficult struggles. Aurangzeb’s strongest opponent in this process was Shivaji, who tried to create a native Hindu state by organizing the Marathas. Deccan politics has been evaluated within the scope of the regression of the Baburids since the beginning of the XVIIth century, in relation to the religious policy of Aurangzeb and its consequences. In this research, the continuity of this policy, which is vital for the financial and administrative needs of the Baburids, will be emphasized by considering the Deccan policy of Aurangzeb with a systematic approach in the light of the records of the period. It will be revealed that the annexation policy that Aurangzeb has followed for the Deccan sultanates since he was a prince is not an baseless policy. In this study, it will be stated that the conquest movements in Deccan were shaped in the light of which goals and which policies Aurangzeb achieved. In this study, It will be stated that the conquest movements in Dekken were shaped in the light of which goals and with which policy of Aurangzeb reached the result. The political context and deficiencies of this enlargement policy will be evaluated. In addition, the negative consequences of the rapid expansion in the Deccan during the Aurangzeb’s period will be mentioned.
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Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent military delegations to Afghanistan for the military training of the country even in the most difficult times of the National Struggle. Thus, solid relations were established between the two states. Within the framework of these good relations, ambassadors were also appointed. As a matter of fact, Turkey appointed Fahreddin Pasha as its Ambassador to Kabul, Afghanistan in 1922. A delegation was also formed to work with Fahreddin Pasha in Kabul. As a soldier, Major Hüseyin Bey also took part in the delegation. Major Hüseyin Bey served under Fahreddin Pasha for eight months. During this time, Major Hüseyin Bey wrote a report about the embassy and the political, social and military structure of Afghanistan based on what he had heard, what he had witnessed and the opinions he had formed based on these two. The information given in the report was handled with a qualitative method and it was tried to clarify the issues in the document within the framework of the information in the literature. The aim of this article is to try to complete the missing information about the period by making an evaluation of Turkey-Afghanistan relations and the political, social and military structure of Afghanistan during the Amanullah period within the framework of the aforementioned report.
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The idea of creating a free trade zone in German geography gained great momentum in the early 19th century with economists such as Friedrich List, who was the most active advocate of this idea. Prussia opened up the idea of free trade to neighbouring states with its tariff that abolished all internal customs duties in 1818. Ten years later, while the first agreement was signed between Prussia and Hessen-Darmstadt, another customs union was also established between Bavaria and Württemberg in the same year. Besides both customs unions, established a trade union called Mitteldeutscher Handelsverein under the leadership of Hannover in the same year. By 1834, the states included in these customs and trade unions began to gather around a customs union under the leadership of Prussia. The name of the new union established is the German Customs Union, called Zollverein. Seventeen years after the establishment of the German Empire, this union has become to cover the entire German geography with the inclusion of Hamburg and Bremen. Zollverein also signed a trade agreement with the Ottoman Empire on October 22, 1840, during the commercial agreements that started with the 1838 Balta Limanı Trade Agreement. After this agreement, another agreement was signed in 1862. The scope of this agreement was extended in 1890. This study aims to contribute to the field by mentioning the relations with the surrounding countries, especially the Ottoman Empire, as well as the events in German geography during and after the establishment of Zollverein, where there is no independent literature in Turkish literature.
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This article focuses on a cluster of institutions rooted in Polish rural life that were coopted by the German authorities into the lowest level of rule in occupied Poland from 1939-1945. It identifies these institutions as key meso-level structures that shaped the behavior of individuals on the ground. Specifically, it places the axis of analysis on the figure of the village head (sołtys). It argues that the village security system, combined with the introduction of collective responsibility and imminent violence, was at the heart of a process of community-making, in which village heads inescapably played an important role. In this new dynamic of accountability, notions of “community” and “belonging” evolved relative to notions of “security” and “self-preservation” in the changing circumstances of life under occupation. The reimagined community forged in this wartime crucible was one of transformed identities, ingrained ethnic categories, new lines of solidarity, and new antagonisms. A collective biographical approach to village heads in this period culminates in the collective ethical dilemma as a category of historical analysis. The article draws primarily on testimonies found in postwar August Decree trials of individuals tried for collaboration in historic Western Galicia or District Krakow of the General Government. It employs a thick description of the subject to map personal narratives onto the broader social processes under examination.
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U pokušaju komparativne analize velikosrpskog i bošnjačkog nacionalizma istražuju se njihovi korijeni, okolnosti nastanka, ideološki kostur te ciljeve. Ne mogu se izjednačavati jer su im ciljevi, kada je riječ o Bosni i Hercegovini, različiti. Cilj velikosrpskog nacionalizma je podjela Bosne i Hercegovine, a cilj bošnjačkog je održavanje i odbrana Bosne i Hercegovine ali sa sopstvenom dominacijom, tražeći državno jedinstvo bez nacionalne ravnopravnosti. Kod prvog sve je jasno, kod drugog sve je složenije. Naime, velikosrpski ima dugu istoriju i cjelovit je koncept, ideološki, politički i programski, dok je bošnjački u fazi “sazrijevanja” ideja koje vode nacionalističkoj konceptualizaciji.
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Polazeći od pristupa autora Papića ovoj veoma ozbiljnoj problematici može se istaći nekoliko bitnih nedostataka u pogledu tog teksta. Prvi, metodološke prirode, koji se odnosi na definiranje problema i predmeta istraživanja/analize, tiče se onoga što autor nije detaljnije obuhvatio svojom analizom na adekvatan način. To je ono propušteno, iako je s obzirom na naziv teme i predmet analize to morao uključiti. Tako se autor Papić u svojoj analizi – koja se odnosi na začarani krug nacionalizama u Bosni i Hercegovini – detaljnije bavi srpskim i bošnjačkim nacionalizmima, istina više u historijskom smislu, dok hrvatski nacionalizam, njegove pojavne oblike, načine, mogućnosti i ozbiljnost institucionalnog ispoljavanja te posljedice koje je ovaj nacionalizam u obliku konkretnih politika i akcija imao i koje ima na ukupne prilike u Bosni i Hercegovini – pominje tek uzgredno ili uopšte ne pominje.
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