Sistematično pisanje o bosanskom genocidu kao poticaj domaćim institucijama i istraživačima
Review of: Matthias Fink, Srebrenica. Hronologija jednog genocida ili šta se desilo sa Mirnesom Osmanovićem, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo, 2020.
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Review of: Matthias Fink, Srebrenica. Hronologija jednog genocida ili šta se desilo sa Mirnesom Osmanovićem, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo, 2020.
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The waqf orphanage in Sarajevo was founded in 1911 and began operating in 1913, when the first orphans moved in. This project of the waqf-mearif administration aimed at humanitarian care and care for orphans and poor Muslim children. From the very beginning, the provincial government supported the initiative to establish such an institution. Her financial donations from religious and educational subsidies enabled the uninterrupted work of the orphanage. Both, state and local authorities have financially supported the orphanage. The city governments included regular annual allocations for the orphanage in their budgets, expressing their support for the humanitarian activities of the waqfmearif administration. The first municipality to promise this subvention was Rogatica and set aside 500 crowns for that purpose. In addition to government donations and regular endowment revenues, the orphanage had its own fund. The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina paid voluntary contributions to it, so that by the end of the First World War, over one hundred thousand crowns were paid. The Waqf administration appeared to collect aid for the orphanage during various ceremonies, such as mawlids, parties, weddings and other gatherings. They especially tried to invite Muslims to show their mercy and donate money to the orphanage fund during holidays, such as Eid. In addition to financial contributions, sacrificial animal skins were collected throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina and donated to the orphanage. In some cases, they were still sold and the money earned was sent to Sarajevo. Such collection actions were led by waqf-mearif commissions or prominent individuals. The financing of the waqf orphanage was therefore done from different sources and in different ways, which enabled this institution to perform its function unhindered.
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As a common and widespread name in the Slavic world, Biograd represents a settlement that stood out in its surroundings and therefore bore a recognizable name. Three Biograds existed on the territory of Herzegovina in the Middle Ages: near Konjic, Nevesinje and Trebinje. They were formed geostrategically on important communications and are continuous expressions of population in all phases of the past. Preserved archival indicators in the developed Middle Ages make it possible to trace the fortress complex for Biograd in Konji and Nevesinj, which also have their own suburbs, while Biograd in Trebinje was then at the level of a rural settlement.
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The national issue was crucial in the context of the transformation of Yugoslav society from socialism to the desired communism. However, in federal Yugoslavia, this issue was proved highly dynamic, and it was resuscitated anew and interpreted significantly differently. Republic leadership in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina forced the proclaimed principle of national equality, the dogma of brotherhood and unity; in addition, it was highly sensitive to any stepping out of the defined frame. It also listened carefully to impulses coming from other republics, following the events, especially in the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the Socialist Republic of Serbia, which could have affected the mood and activity of the population within the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on the original archives, this paper focuses on the President of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina Branko Mikulic during the early 1970s, a period of significant political turbulence throughout Yugoslavia. We indicated what he spoke about the position and activities of the League of Communists, the adopted national policy, the conclusions of the 21st session of the Presidency of the LCY and their implementation in Western Herzegovina. Mikulic has been visiting this part of the Republic intending to encourage the activities of the League of Communists, on the trail of the conclusions of the Mostar Consultation (1966), and remove the mortgage of ustashism from the position of Western Herzegovina, unfounded insistence on collective responsibility and generalization. He insisted that the local staff under the aegis of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina should solve problems in this part of the Republic, as well that interference from the Socialist Republic of Croatia and the Socialist Republic of Serbia makes the position of the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina onerous. Ultimately, even though the 1970s was a decade of significant progress, the economic development of Herzegovina did not go according to plan and republic funds should have supported local loans and self-contributions to a greater extent. Life in Western Herzegovina has differed significantly from the model defined in party documents, numerous conclusions and resolutions. In congruence with the crucial transforming processes of Yugoslav federalism, there was no intention to change certain practices and attitudes of the Party. However, the national question, and thus the national affirmation, was under the firm supervision of the leadership, which was in constant fear of crossing the permitted border and disturbing the strict balance of nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina in conformity with its views and determinants.
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Along with the development and spread of feminism and women’s movements in the 1970s, there was an expansion of scientific works on women through a history of different spectrum and significance. Thanks to the competence and agility of contemporary historians, a departure from feminism has been established and an independent historiographical direction in the study of women’s history has been formed. In these half centuries of opening the women’s issue and the visibility of the role of women throughout history, numerous scientific works have emerged that shed light on this important and undeniable side of history that has long been marginalized through traditional science. Women’s history as a historiographical direction is not yet institutionalized in all national universities of developed societies, but the history of women and their importance in social development is being studied more and more intensively, which can be seen from the increased number of published works. Recent literature in the first two decades of the 21st century shows that women’s history is written not only by women but also by men, and that integrity and legitimacy are achieved through an interdisciplinary method.
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Review of: Dženita Sarač-Rujanac, Branko Mikulić: politička biografija 1965-1989, Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Institut za historiju, Sarajevo, 2020.
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Review of: Sead Turčalo, Hikmet Karčić (Eds.), Bosnian Genocide Denial and Triumphalism: Origins, Impact and Prevention, Faculty of Political Science University of Sarajevo, Srebrenica Memorial Center, and Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks, Sarajevo, 2021.
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Review of: Genocid nad Bošnjacima, Srebrenica 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice, Muamer Džananović, Zilha Mastalić-Košuta and Merisa Karović-Babić (Eds.), Institut za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Tuzli - Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo – Tuzla, 2021.
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Review of: Robert Offner; Thomas Șindilariu (Hrsg.), Schwarzer Tod und Pestabwehr im frühneuzeitlichen Hermannstadt: Pestordnungen der Stadtärzte Johann Salzmann (1510, 1521), Sebastian Pauschner (1530) und Johann Stubing (1561) (Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Hermannstadt, Band 6), Hermannstadt - Bonn: Schiller Verlag, 2020, 231 S., gebunden, Deutsch, Latein, ISBN 978-3-946954903;/ Paul Șeulean, Albert Weber, Natali Stegmann, Svetlana Suveica (Hg.), Deutsche Parlamentarierreden in Zwischenkriegsrumänien. Protokolle aus dem Abgeordnetenhaus und dem Senat (1919–1940), Frank & Timme, Verlag für wissenschaftliche Literatur, Berlin, 2021 (DigiOst, Band 13), 794 Seiten. ISBN 978-3-7329-0666-6 ISBN E-Book 978-3-7329-9321-5 ISSN 2513-0927;/ Ulrich A. Wien (ed.) Common Man, Society and Religion in the 16th century / Gemeiner Mann, Gesellschaft und Religion im 16. Jahrhundert: Piety, morality and discipline in the Carpathian Basin / Frömmigkeit, Moral und Sozialdisziplinierung im Karpatenbogen (Refo500 Academic Studies, Band 67), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2021, 438 S., ISBN 978-3-525-57100-2
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Review of: Amir Kliko, Tepčija Stipan Batalo Šantić i njegovo doba: Prilog historiji travničkog područja u srednjem vijeku, Bosanski kulturni krug, Travnik 2022.
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Contemporary discourse on gender equality in the mass media focuses primarily on analysing news programmes, TV series and advertisements. However, films also constitute powerful cultural stimuli, capable of modifying the attitudes and behaviour of both audiences and the society as a whole. The strength and longevity of their impact lie in their deep roots in the culture in which they operate. For cinematic representations of women and men, this process implies the need to constantly refer to a certain stock of conventions, cultural stereotypes and ways of thinking about gender present in the mentality and social structures of a given community. The same applies to images of women in power in film, which on the one hand are determined by cultural patterns attributed to each gender, while on the other they themselves contribute to their perpetuation in the social consciousness, at the same time creating social images of relations between gender and power in political and economic life. The article discusses this phenomenon in relation to selected Polish films after 1989. The paper will analyse how the roles and behavioural patterns attributed to women were (re)defined in the (changing) public sphere and what the position of characters representing these characteristics was in the narrative of the films.
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Central and Eastern Europe is a specific historical region which experienced the domination of the conservative dynasties such as the Romanovs (the Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp’s branch), the Hohenzollerns, the House of Habsburg (Habsburg-Lorraine) and the conservative systems of international relations, for instance, the Holy Alliance (Heilige Allianz), the League of the Three Emperors (Drei-Kaiser-Abkommen), etc. Starting with the Congress of Vienna until the outbreak of the First World War, the monarchical conservatism of the Russian and the Austrian Empires had resisted irredentism of the neighbouring nations and nationalism inside the empires. The old regime was able to retain itself due to the solidarity of the dynasties. However, the imperial rivalries in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, accompanied by the irredentism of the divided nations (sometimes even stimulated by the rivals) had eroded the solidarity of the monarchies. Before World War I, the balance of power in the region had been precarious in which Austria-Hungary played a certain role of a sui generis bulwark against Russian expansion into the Balkans. Thus, the clash of Russian (Pan-Slavism) and German (Mitteleuropa) geopolitical conceptions in Central Europe amid the violation of the principle of the Vienna system caused the First World War.
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The question of the ideological features of the reformism that inspired the substance of the Organic Regulations has not received adequate attention in the historical research. The Organic Laws, which were made under Russian patronage, were a work of synthesis involving both the native boyars of the Romanian Principalities and Russian officials. The ideological profile of local elite reformism is well known in Romanian historiography, but less research has been done on the ideological features of Russian reformism. The main currents of political thought in the Russian Empire, including in the area of diplomatic elites, had a heterogeneous and unstructured character, explicable not only by the ambiguities of Russian political culture (autocracy versus "constitutionalism"), but also by the presence of factional tendencies, according to the criteria of political choice, influence and interests. Nevertheless, the reforms carried out in Finland and Poland, together with those introduced in Novarussia and Basarabia, have been highly coherent and show serious affinities with the Polizeistaat model, of Central European extraction. In addition to a rather clear conception of the nature and role of the reforms, with the aim of conferring a more centralized organization to the state institutions, the reorganization of the state structures through the application of the Organic Regulations was also possible due to the political and administrative skills of Pavel Kiselev, patient, but determined, moderate but with a well developed plan, intelligent and clever, managing to overcome the resistance of the nobility, which was seriously affected by the new institutions, practices and procedures.
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Starting from the second half of the XIX century, modern politics were introduced in Romania and besides conservatism and liberalism that became established doctrines, left wing ideas tried to gain a foothold too. The beginnings of socialism in Romania can be found in the 1870’s and while eventually Marxism became the dominant leftist trend, at first there was a rather large pool of ideas brought by different groups like university students who studied abroad, those from Romanian universities and intellectuals form the Russian Empire who migrated to Romania. Those groups were the foundation for the first socialist movement that tried to spread socialism within the working class but the rather small number of anarchists were unable or unwilling to establish working class organizations. During the revival of socialism within the working class after 1900, anarchists like Panait Zosin and Panait Mușoiu tried to convince in embracing their ideas and by using archival sources and newspapers from the era we will try to better understand the motives behind the few workers who embraced anarchism.
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The paper analyzes the arrest and trial of a group of opponents of the communist regime in Yugoslavia in the mid-1970s in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, who were convicted of founding a terrorist organization that collaborated with Croatian anti-Yugoslav émigrés in the West. The verdict is compared with the investigative documents of the Yugoslav intelligence service, but also with the authorized record of the conversation that the author of this paper had with the first defendant Tomislav Držić in 2019. It is argued that this was a group of regime dissidents whose activity consisted of anti-regime conversations, writing anti-regime texts that were not disseminated, reading Croatian émigrés’ propaganda materials and Držić’s occasional contacts with émigré in Canada Stjepan Dubičanac, rather than a terrorist organization that could seriously shake the regime.
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In 1577, the Viennese Aulic War Council (Hofkriegsrat) organized an extensive counseling on the reorganization of the Military Border from the Adriatic until Transylvania. In order to prepare the meeting and provide councilors with data necessary for deliberation, commanders of all six major border units delivered extensive intelligence reports on Ottoman military potentials. This paper analyses two such intelligence reports, originally preserved in the Kriegsarchiv in Vienna, that cover the area from Balaton lake to Sava river (sanjaks of Sziget, Pécs, Požega and Pakrac). Using comparative and quantitative methods the paper provides a detailed comparison of collected data on Ottoman and Habsburg military potentials in the 1570s, demonstrates that Ottoman military in the region was more complex and numerous than their Habsburg counterpart and shows that this notion influenced Habsburg decisions on quantity and distribution of their military during the reform (1577/78). The paper also provides information on the status of Ottoman fortresses and defences and analyses collected data in the context of military history, comparing the complexity of military organization on both sides of the border, especially with regard to type and function of units. Finally, the paper provides transcripts of two detailed versions of intelligence reports and rectifies summarized version of reports published by Radoslav Lopašić.
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After the key Habsburg victory at Nagyharsány in August 1687, General Heinrich von Dünewald received the command of a separate corps (Dünewäldischen Corpo), from the supreme commander, duke Charles of Lorraine, which was largely composed of units of Croats from the Military border, on whose lead he forced river Drava into Slavonia and almost entirely liberated it from the Ottomans. Dünewald and his corps first besieged and captured Voćin on September 14, 1687, and began the siege of Valpovo five days later. Following the stark resistance, the Valpovo fortress surrendered on September 30, after which the general sent Colonel Ladron with cavalry to occupy Osijek, which the Ottomans had left after receiving news of the fall of Valpovo. Count Ivan Drašković and Dünewald solemnly entered Osijek on October 5. The corps continued towards Orahovica, which was easily occupied on October 9, with the fall of Požega following on October 12, after being abandoned by Požega beg who left with his army across the Sava. Not having enough men, resources, or time to conquer the last Ottoman strongholds in Slavonia, Gradiška and Slavonski Brod, Dünewald ended his military operations in 1687 by taking care to set up appropriate garrisons in all the newly acquired fortifications and supply them over the winter. In mid-November, he left Slavonia with his army in the hope that the emperor would allow him to go to Silesia to recover his health, and grant his exhausted people comfortable winter quarters in Upper Hungary. General Dünewald's military operations are recorded thanks to letters he sent to the Viennese court in October and November 1687, and in the contemporary press, from which examples of the weekly newspapers in French and German languages are singled out in this paper.
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The poetic work of Grgur Peštalić, the Franciscan friar who witnessed the plague epidemic in Syrmia in 1795, is a valuable source in historiography for various reasons. The main aspect and perspective he offered by exploring a specific case of the plague in this work is dominantly historical-imagological. Particularly discussed in this work are the similarities and dissimilarities of the anti-epidemic measures Peštalić put forward in his work and those suggested by the state. In terms of similarities and dissimilarities it has been assessed whether there was a cooperation between church and state for anti-epidemic purposes; in addition to this, the work is a source that testifies to everyday life during the plague and to the social-political context. Precisely this context and the specificity of the area where the epidemic broke out have been an important factor in the research into the topic of this work. The role of Peštalić as a Franciscan has been examined as well as his activities as a member of the clergy and as a mediator between the local community and the government that was distant from the peripheral area affected by the plague.
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The objective of this paper is to show the problems a researcher is confronted with while searching for data on a soldier who died during World War I. As it is an ordinary soldier from the village Posavski Podgajci in Syrmia that is concerned, one who most likely did not possess a military rank, his example can be applied to the majority of the military contingent of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy far outside the area of the Republic of Croatia at the present time. The only hope to clarify the fate of Luka Turudić can be found in the documents of military units kept by the Austrian State Archive (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv) at the Vienna War Archives (Kriegsarchiv). Involved are huge amounts of archive materials sent by the military units to the headquarters during World War I; even the archivists find it hard to manage the materials, particularly because the materials are not organized according to contemporary archive standards but have been kept more or less in their original form. The interest in participants of World War I, aroused by the commemoration of the 100th anniversary 2014-2018, caused the archivists in Vienna to tighten the regulations concerning the access of archival materials, particularly the vital records; however, the time limits have now expired and all archival materials from World War I should be accessible to users. Without these data it is impossible to find out where a certain regiment was stationed in a certain period of time considering that our current knowledge on fierce battles during the entire years 1915 and 1916 in some segments of the huge Russian battleground is simply too general. Military cemeteries of Austro-Hungarian soldiers are widely scattered over the former theatres of war in Galicia, Bukovina and Prykarpattia; many of these soldiers were members of predominantly Croatian units. It is unknown whether Croats were buried in most of the cemeteries which is why the cemetery Glibovki/Hlibovki is unique. Some of the cemeteries were maintained by the locals, particularly if they were situated near villages; however, a great number of them were exposed to the ravages of time and today no traces can be found of them. Despite the legislation of the successor states and the rules of international law, cemetery maintenance for fallen soldiers from World War I today comes down to just a few representative examples, whereas the rest of them are maintained by individuals who aim to stimulate the successor states to take charge of them. Records on the final resting places of fallen Croatian soldiers probably do exist somewhere, probably even in Vienna, however, they have not been the subject of systematic research. Without these records it is not possible to determine the burial sites; to locate them would at long last cast light on the fates of participants of World War I, which is the most important concern of the families of the fallen soldiers. The example of the Turudić family and their ancestor provides clear evidence of this. Although the family maintained the tradition of Grandmother Eva’s brother, a misunderstanding occurred in regard to his name. It became apparent that, instead of searching for Antun, the search should have been for his firstborn son Luka Turudić (born in 1895) whom, despite all our efforts, we have not been able to find in any of the accessible records of fallen soldiers. A similar fate probably applies to numerous participants in the war, meaning that we will not be able to create a complete list of fallen soldiers, only try to create one as complete as possible. The accuracy of this list will be questionable: the research into the fate of just one family has shown how inaccurate the casualty records are. In these lists two family members are registered as dead although both survived the war, while one who evidently did not is not mentioned at all, not even as a casualty or PoW. This altogether casts a shadow of doubt on the purpose of creating such lists; however, only the micro level research (family, village or parish) will show the (un)reliability of the conducted macro level assessments (certain geographical regions or the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy) at this time available to the researchers of World War I.
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Review of: Franko MIROŠEVIĆ: Hrvatska seljačka stranka u Moslavini 1905.-1941. (Zagreb: ITG digitalni tisak, 2021). 419 str. ISBN 978-953-7167-75-2.
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