Рукописні і друковані пам’ятки національної культури України: критерії виокремлення
The article reveals definitions «memorial of culture», «memorial book», defines criterions of memorial book, characterizes them.
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The article reveals definitions «memorial of culture», «memorial book», defines criterions of memorial book, characterizes them.
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After dispersing of Soviet Union, Karabakh Armenians first made an effort for their freedom then tried to be connected with Armenia. The situation that supported by Armenia caused a huge conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Turkey has sought to play a constructive interference to solve the emergent hitches which is impossible to avoid from this problem. “The Turkish National Assembly recording journal” and “Hürriyet newspaper” are the main sources in this study. Subject headings are like this: 1. Introduction: Karabakh, 2. Karabakh-Ralated Caos while Soviet Union Separating: Demonstration, Action, Conflict Process, 3. Karabakh’s Bonding to Moscow and Unavoidable Caos, 4.The New Way of Seeking of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia, 5. The Failure of the Union: Liberation Movements in Caucasians, 6. Abolition of Soviet Union and New Consortium (CIS) while Conflict Running on Between Azerbaijan and Armenia, 7. Conlusion and Evaluation.
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Pastoral care for Polish labourers developed at the outbreak of the Second World War, when there was a demand for cheap labour force in the Reich. Poland saw forced recruitment. It is impossible to estimate the exact number of Poles sent to forced labour in the Reich. We know that on 30th June 1944 the constituted 32 per cent of all foreigners and composed the strongest national group. It became a priority for the local church to solve the problem of pastoral care for Polish labourers in Germany. The Nazis made only some concessions. Itinerant priests were established of German nationality and Polish songs were sung from the booklet The Way to Heaven. Some restrictions, however, accompanied these concessions. The itinerant priests were obliged to report to the police, there was a ban on confession in Polish, and general absolution was recommended instead. Cardinal Sapieha intervened on behalf of Polish priests, but in vain. The German authorities were inflexible, therefore a decision was made to send priests as common labourers. On completion of military activities there were ca. 1.9 million deported Polish citizen on the territory under consideration. They were directed in 1944 to the so-called Displaced Persons and lived in the camps run by the British, French, and American authorities. Pastoral care was then constructed from the start. The first priests who were involved in were those liberated from the concentration camp in Dachau. On behalf of the Holy See Bishop Józef Gawlina was appointed an ordinary bishop for Poles in Germany. The priests joined actively in the work on Polonia. They organised pilgrimages, participated in establishing schools, organised libraries, and conducted charitable action. The new church organisations were important for pastoral care. It was not easy to provide pastoral ministry among Poles. Their presence was necessary and fulfilled not only a religious role, but also played the function of a psychological and social rehabilitation.
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A mass emigration of Polish people to Belgium took place after the First World War. According to official data, 5 329 Polish people lived on the territory of Belgium in 1920. They were mainly miners and their families who had arrived from Westfalen. In 1938 the Polish community in Belgium increased in official statistics to 61 809 people. Most of them were employed in mining and heavy industry, only about 5% in farming. Organizational activity during the first years of Polish emigration in Belgium faced considerable difficulties. “People from Westfalen had already had a certain dialect and not all children spoke Polish. People coming from Poland, mainly small farmers, differed in terms of cultural level because those from Austrian and German occupation had already gone to school, could read and write and had broader minds, whereas those from Russian occupation – were mainly analphabets. However, managed to erase these regional differences among Polish people.”Polish people arriving to Belgium, “not knowing the local language were willing to associate in organizations and created groups which they usually named after some saint as their patron.” The first Polish organizations in Belgium started to appear after the First World War in 1921. They were founded mainly by Polish people coming from Westfalen in search for work. Most of Polish associations and organizations were created in 20's comprising virtually the whole Polish social life in Belgium. These organizations cared for national traditions, cultivated the maintenance of the fatherland language, transmitted Polish cultural awareness to younger generations and defended common interests in economic and social areas. Their programs were patriotically and catholically oriented. They existed in almost every bigger Polish mining colony.These organizations had a profession-specific (e.g. associations of miners under the patronage of St. Barbara), religious (e.g. association of live rosary), cultural (e.g. circles of Polish women, theatrical and chant associations) and sport character. Despite such diverse characters, their objective was to maintain Polish life in colonies and transmitting patriotic and catholic values to new generations of Poles. They had their places in almost every bigger Polish center. Independently of the character of their activity they had a common regional management council. Later, the central management council for 5 regions was created under the name The Federation of Polish Associations and Organizations in Belgium.The social life of Poles concentrated mainly in the Central Federation of Polish Associations in Belgium and in Central Federation of Polish Female Associations in Belgium. In 1936 their coordination was taken over by newly founded Polish-Belgian association – The Association of Co-operation with Polish Organizations in Belgium. As an initiative of Parliament Member Jackowski and consul of Poland Nagórny, The Committee of Co-operation with Polish Social Organizations in Belgium was created to support and provide spiritual care for our emigration.
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The paper discusses repressions against Polish clergy on the territories of the II Republic from 1939 to 1941 and the situation after the incorporation of these lands to USSR in 1945. Fighting the Church was one of the foundations of Soviet communist system, which declared the Catholic clergy to be a dangerous counter-revolutionary force commanded from Vatican. Soviet policy was to eliminate physically the clergy from the society. During the war methods included war crimes, off-handed death sentences, long-term sentences in Gulag camps or deportations without any lawful basis. After the war there were no death sentences. Priests were judged in courts and condemned to long-term sentences in camps. Constant invigilation and forging of cases against clergy continued in USSR until the ‘perestroika’ of Mikhail Gorbatschev. The paper scrutinizes methods of forging cases against priests and Soviet laws that put the security forces in the way of pursuing priests. The number of victimized clergymen ca 500, is also discussed, as well as the length of their sentences and their life and work in the Gulag camps.
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The paper discusses the demographic and cultural situation of Poles in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia in the years of 1945-1991. These are three entirely different, as regards history and culture, countries, and therefore the Poles live there in different circumstance. Until 1961 due to the deportation of the local people, the action of Russian settlement and Polish repatriation, more than half of the permanent residents were exchanged and deprived of intellectuals. Cultural, scientific, educational, and historical heritage of Poles was considerably destroyed, nationalized, or dispersed. Collective, cultural, and educational life of the Polish minority in Estonia was left entirely without its institutional forms. In Latvia it functioned at the private-underground level. Only in Lithuania, where Poles constituted a well-united community, has it survived until today.In Latvia the Poles are the only ethnic group whose number has remained equal with the pre-war period. They were subject to profound Russification during the Soviet rule, and managed to improve their position in the second half of the 1980s. Only from 1990 onwards could Polish institutions in Estonia work again, but the majority of the small number of Poles there (3.000 in 1989) treat the Russian language as their mother tongue. Only in Lithuania had a wide range of Polish-speaking schools been established. There were also social, learned, and cultural organizations licensed by the authorities. From 1953 onwards the “Czerwony Sztandar” [The Red Banner] (today “Kurier Wileński” [The Vilnius Courier]) was issued − the only Polish daily in the USSR. The progressive Russification had reduced over the years a percentage of Poles who could speak Polish, and children who were taught in this language. It is comforting to know that the Poles in Lithuania, despite the greatest war losses among their intelligentsia, showed endurance in education at all levels and developed cultural and educational activity.
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The paper points to the forms of migration of Poles to North Africa after the Second World War, and the formation of Polish settlements in this part of the world. Despite the fact that Poles were arriving there since the medieval times, nevertheless the centres of Polish life took shape in the northern part of Africa since the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries these settlements would be established and disappear, and the contemporary Polish communities were established during a recent few dozen years.The Polish settlements in northern part of Africa were due to the emigration from the Polish territories in the inter-war period, then the civil and military exile from Poland from 1939 onwards, the influx of Polish scientific-technical specialists; establishment of rightful diplomatic relations between Poland and North Africa; mixed Polish-Arabian marriages, mainly due to the fact that young Arabs came to Poland to study.The representatives of Polonia in the inter-war period, the time of the war and the post-war period со-established local Polish settlements over the whole second half of the twentieth century. Few representatives are present in North Africa today, although contemporary Polish communities were dominated by Polish-Arabian mixed marriages, who began to settle there from the 1960s on. Despite that the 1650-member community in North Africa consists now only of ten per cent of Polish settlements on the Black Land, and 0.01 per cent in the world.
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This article combines three elements connected to Polish nationality politics in Opolian Silesia (understood as the former German district of Opole) in the years 1945–1960. The first section concentrates on a presentation of Polish ideological and political assumptions stemming from the idea of Piast Poland which proclaimed the eternal attachment of these territories to Poland and which was also based on the belief in the Polish character of the native populace and the lack of any effect of German influence on this group. The second section analyses the state of research on this problem in Poland and Germany underlining its sensitivity to both political history (especially dur-ing the period of communist Poland) and the memory of various communities (post 1989, this region found itself under pressure from regional collective memories). The final section deals with the initial phases of Polish politics regarding national groups, highlighting the importance of the hiatus at the turn of 1949–1950 when the two German states returned to the political fray which decidedly limited the potential of Polish national politics regarding this group.
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Masurians living in contemporary Poland constitute a fragmented and scattered community. As a result of successive waves of emigration to Germany, of the approximately 80 thousand protestant Masurians in 1948 only about 5 thousand remain. They possess differing identities - some consider themselves to be German or Masurian German, some Masurian, and the rest Polish Masurian or Polish.
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In the Masurian district, Polish administration was not recreated; rather, it was organised anew. In the new legal system, especially regarding the establishment of national councils which were alien to the traditional Polish system, the delineation of individual competencies of organisations was not always completely clear. Indeed, there were occasions when the actions of components of the administration were not always firmly rooted in the prevailing laws. The absence of a clear division between these elements of the administration was not only considered unproblematic, but rather was presented in propaganda as a sign of the democratisation of public life and as a more just form of exercising power. In the first five post-war years, the Voivodeship Department was an executive arm of the Voivodeship National Council in Olsztyn. Sometimes, it was also labelled a Voivodeship level local government organisation, although such a label was not fully adequate to its role. This lack of clarity was the result of the intermixing and connecting of competencies and activities of three divisions: general administration, national councils and the Voivodeship Department „local government”. In addition, regional and county leaders, as area representatives of the national authorities, found themselves in the local governmental structure leading the Voivodeship Department and county departments. The Voivodeship Department held „administrative authority” over the president of Olsztyn and the mayors of individual towns in the region, over members of town and borough councils and also over county executive departments.
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The article presents selected forms of interaction between society and the Opolskie authorities with Poles living in Zaolzie, with focus on the cultural-educational sphere. The author of this study describes joint activities undertaken by organisations in Opolian Silesia, such as the Opolskie Cultural-Educational Association, the Association of Friends of Opolskie and regional associations from individual towns in the Opolskie region, with Polish institutions working in Zaolzie which are connected with the Polish Cultural-Educational Society. Information is drawn from documents from the National Archives in Opole, the Archive of the Union of the Polish Cultural-Educational Society, the Opolskie Cultural-Educational Association, periodicals and chronicles of regional associations. These documents describe common initiatives and cultural contacts, among others business trips, exchanges of artistic groups and publishers.
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In this article, the author presents – in chronological order – the initiatives undertaken by Polish parliamentarians, the aim of which was the popularisation of the Sorbian issue among representatives of the executive authorities of Poland. At times, the goal of politicians was also to exert pressure on the Polish Foreign Ministry with aim of generating support for Sorbians, mainly within the framework of Polish-German relations. None of these attempts brought any discernible results. This was a result of the priority placed on good neighbourly relations between Poland and Germany.
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The situation in the Western and Northern Territories of Poland after 1945 was especially difficult for many reasons; in particular, because these areas had to be given a new identity as quickly as possible. One of the most urgent tasks at that time was the regulation of the far-reaching issue of naming towns, villages, geographical entities, and streets. The process of giving a Polish timbre to street names proceeded differently in individual town centres. The extent of this issue was different in large agglomerations and smaller townships. This study shows the liquidation of traces of anything German in street names and their acquisition of Polish names. This is achieved on the basis of selected examples from the largest and smallest towns and cities in the Western and Northern Territories (Wrocław, Gdańsk, Zielona Góra, Świdnica, Bytom, Legnica, Będzin, Reszel and Maszewo). These examples highlight different aspects and characteristics of this phenomenon, and also the difficulties connected with it. The analysis of examples of the renaming of streets enables the identification of certain tendencies and criteria which were in play at that time (e.g. memorialisation of people important to Polish history, culture and science as well as national heroes, campaigners for the freedom of the Polish nation, politicians and independence activists, and also important historical events and facts, including those connected with the perpetuation of the achievements of the communist authorities). The range of street patrons and the symbolic meaning that they contained played an important role not only in strengthening Polish ties of these territories but also in the legitimisation of the new authorities. The majority of streets in the towns of the Western and Northern Territories had received Polish names by the end of 1946. The second stage of the Polonization of street names ended in Autumn 1947. However, in large agglomerations this process was still ongoing in the years 1948–1949. Sometimes, the names of streets were changed several times, dictated by politico-ideological concerns.
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This article characterises the demographic, socio-cultural, economic and spatial processes impacting upon the area of the contemporary Opolskie Voivodeship in the post-war period. The focus is on issues connected with transformations of the population structure. An attempt is made to indicate the causes of these population changes and also to evaluate their effects for the functioning of the regional system linked with Opolskie. It is established that population processes, and in particular migration, are a reflection of social and economic changes, which assume the character of civilizational changes at the time when their effects are new and different from the starting social structures. In the regional systems of historical Silesia it is also possible to identify this type of process resulting in new population structures. The term „civilizational change” here denotes such transformations in population structures and in the demographic behaviour of residents that leads to the formation of a new type of regional community. This can be understood as a historical process which unfolds differently in each region (including in the Opolskie Voivodeship). The article shows that the population, socio-cultural, economic and political transformations occurring in the Opolskie Voivodeship, mainly under the influence of a permanent state of emigration, are systematic and enduring and also so deeply rooted that one can reasonably term this to be a migration region. On the level of the Opolskie Voivodeship as a whole, the migration preferences of residents are no longer linked to the traditional dichotomous division of eastern (emigration) and western („settling”) parts; rather, to an ever greater degree, the current differentiation is socio-economic, in which not only the constant outflow abroad, but above all the fluctuating inflow of people holds significant meaning as a conditioning factor for the socio-economic development of the region.
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In the introduction, the author discusses the state of research of the remembrance of the past of the Third Republic. In the following two parts and in reference to the concept proposed by Jan Assmann, she indicates new elements of cultural remembrance in Nysa post 1989. With this aim, she conducts an analysis of vehicles of cultural remembrance (monuments and commemorative plaques, street names, celebration of holidays and festivities, locally produced literature and publicity). The author assigns reconstructed depictions of the past to two dimensions. The first relates to the re-evaluation of national traditions and the Polish nation which has been occurring on a nationwide scale since 1989, while the second concerns the new perception of local activities. In the case of the first dimension, the author identifies four main threads which are visible in Nysa: 1) the struggle for independence; 2) the martyrdom of Poles on the Eastern Borderlands; 3) the beloved Eastern Borderlands; and 4) the bleak times of the communist regime. On the other hand, new elements of cultural remembrance related to the history of Nysa are grouped according to four themes: 1) „liberation” of the city and the period of the communist regime; 2) the nationality of the city; 3) continuity of the city; and 4) famous people connected with Nysa. In conclusion, the author discusses the certain specificity of the new elements of cultural remembrance in Nysa. This shows that the specificity relates as much to the re-evaluation of national traditions and the Polish people as it does to local activities.
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Due to its geographical location nestled between the “Western World” and the “World of the Orient”, the Balkan Peninsula has for centuries been playing an important part both in European politics, and economy. Its significance increased sharply in the mid-nineteenth century, after the European powers entered the so-called imperial era. It is therefore not surprising that at that time this relatively small region at “the end of the civilised world” became the battlefield for zones of influence. The rivalry was also joined by Germany and Austro-Hungary. And although these states had different ultimate ends, it was known both in Berlin, and in Vienna that the advantage over the competitors and opponents could have a great impact not only on the development of national industry, which would gain a new ready market, but also on the shape of European policy. However, the processes of deep changes and transformations that occurred in the Balkans in the early twentieth century, wrongly identified and underestimated by the Central Powers, determined their abject failure in the attempts to strengthen their position in South-Eastern Europe.
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The article is devoted to well-documented, but seldom analysed by researchers cultural contacts of the Polish People’s Republic and Hungarian People’s Republic in the field of filmmaking in 1971–1980. In the so-called Gierek’s era, Hungarian films enjoyed great popularity and interest (especially among film critics and film societies), while in Hungary Poland and Polish movies were still “in vogue”. The study focuses on the course of Polish-Hungarian film cooperation in the area of coproduction, exchange of services, events, and festivals. An important part in the popularising of film achievements was played by the Centre of Polish Information and Culture in Budapest and the Hungarian Institute of Culture in Warsaw, but also by independent contacts.
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The article’s author has decided to present Primate Stefan Wyszyński’s attitude towards the threat of Soviet military intervention in Poland in 1980–1981, and to indicate implications of his opinions and ideas. According to Cardinal Wyszyński, the risk of Soviet military invasion of Poland in the analysed period was serious and could produce unforeseen results. His opinion on the question had a bearing on his opinions that it was necessary for the Polish United Workers’ Party to exist within the system of “people’s” Poland, his distance to a political sphere of activity of the “Solidarity”, and a negative attitude towards operations of the Workers’ Defence Committee.
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The article is a polemics with the theses presented in the book by Andrzej Nowak Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu. 1920 – zapomniany appeasement (The First Betrayal of the West. 1920 – The Forgotten Appeasement) In the author’s opinion, Prime Minister David Lloyd George’s policy toward Poland in 1920 could be neither compared nor identified with later actions of the British known as “appeasement”. And to use the term of “betrayal” in scholarly studies of politics seems problematic to him. Mainly because such a term does not explain either motivations or possibilities, or conditions and expectations related to the decisions that are termed as the “betrayal”. It serves more to a specific historical policy, not to say propaganda, rather than the actual need to know the complex, complicated and multidimensional historic truth.
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