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In this paper the author has a critical standpoint toward the most known theories on joint family communities. The works of the up-to-now called Yugoslav authors were put in the foreground. The works of foreign authors were placed after. They were classified by a general criterion, by how the authors saw the origins of this form of family. The comprehension of the basic characteristics depends, as a rule, on that, as well as the elements structure, changing processes, adjustment to new conditions and extinction of the joint family community.The first part of this article is devoted to theories about family communities as an institution of the Slavs. In this way its origin is connected with elements of a certain ethnic community. The range and consequences of such beliefs are suggested.The second part is reserved to explaining the family community as an institution which appeared in feudalism. It is a consequence of the tax system role. With its termination, the communities fell apart. This kind of social development determination and this type of family is proven to be ahistorical. It is predominantly stressed that the authors neglected that feudalism was a class society and overemphasized the force factor significance.The third part deals with theories which believe joint-family communities as an institution which arose in the transition from tribal to class society. These researchers stress that it is a general, historically determined conditioned form, which originated before class society and terminated with its development. Elements of its structure are especially important, as well as methods of its transformation in new conditions and termination processes. The essence of this belief is the following: a joint-family is a general historical form of family organization which arose in the transition from tribal to class society. The most important characteristics are: 1) blood relationship among men members; 2) common property; 3) undeveloped division of labor, and plain peoples work is the most important for its survival; 4) democratic control; and 5) it is not just mere gathering of simple families; it is based on kinship, origin and precedes monogrammed families.
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This article discusses the moral dimension of history writing in the opposition milieus during the last decade of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). It focuses on the works of two dissident historians who dealt with untold or contested aspects of Polish contemporary history: Krystyna Kersten and Jerzy Holzer. First, the essay describes the narratives about the values and experiences shared in the PRL context by people belonging simultaneously to the intelligentsia, opposition dissidence, and academia (professional historians), with a special emphasis on the discovery and search for the truth under positivistic premises. Secondly, it analyses the counterfactual questions posed by Kersten and Holzer in their bestseller underground books about post-war politics and the trade union Solidarity’s legal period, respectively. The reflections that these two scholars developed about pasts-that-didn’t-take-place provided a complementary ethical component to their discourses concerning decision-making processes and Polish society’s political agency. The idea of losing, the ultimate inevitability of defeat, and the way that defeat was faced in two different moments of Poland’s recent history are tackled by Kersten and Holzer with an educational goal: to explain to readers that, however minute the range of choice is, ethics, together with remembrance, plays an important role in social consciousness and empowerment, and hence can make a crucial difference in the long run.
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The article presents the issues related to the possession of material goods and how a man should manage them in accordance with the Creator's plan. It discusses the problem of theft in case of necessity taking into consideration the problem of hunger. Moreover, it analyses the issues concerning the unjust appropriation of someone’s property and points out that the commandment “do not steal” defends human freedom and their right to own property. Social justice which is to contribute to the creation of the social common good is also presented. Consequently, all groups and social classes can participate in a proportionally equal way. The article shows the way how man and material goods are treated in a totalitarian system. Finally, it is shown that the seventh commandment is obligatory to all people.
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In the paper, the authors present the biggest sporting event in the former Yugoslavia – organization of the XIV Winter Olympics in Sarajevoin 1984. They briefly outline the history of the Olympic Games and of WinterOlympics and describe the expectations of politicians and economists that wintersports infrastructure, built for this purpose through financial input of all Yugoslavrepublics and autonomous provinces, would promote and facilitate the developmentof winter sports in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in the entire Yugoslavia.
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Dr. Ivo Pilar donosi nam u svome članku prikaz konteksta nastanka “Zapamćenja”. On se poziva na predgovor profesora Ferde Šišića, u kojemu stoji da “se u augustu 1901. potporom hrv. književnog društva zaputio pok. profesor dubrovačke gimnazije Janko Koharić u bosanski franjevački samostan Kreševo, da ondje zabilježi kazivanje fra Grge Martića.”
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Dobri pastir glasilo Udruženja katoličkih svećenika Bosne Srebrene počeo je izlaziti 1950. godine. Svojom je koncepcijom glasilo udovoljavalo svim zahtjevima modernoga glasila, ali je prvenstveno bila prava svećenička revija, koja je donosila stručne članke iz područja čitave teologije i filozofije, iz područja staleških problema, te brojna rješenja pravno-disciplinskih pitanja.
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Two opposing concepts, or concepts of resonance such as universalism and belonging in the modern word receive special meaning in the unity of diversity. Although the u universality and belonging to the philosophical point of two completely opposite notions thea are in terms of modern political thought assumes as central concepts. Universalism refers to the general idea of humanity by which people are naturally equal, and share the same values and rights. Belonging refers to the existence of different cultures, groups or communities for which the special values and form differences in methods and quality of life. In modern society universalism is opposed to hierarchy and diversity works against it. You can not belong to a hierarchical superior or a subordinate group just because a different identity for some properties. Modern societies to 90 of XX century is characterized by a model of multiculturalism, while the last decade of the second and the first constitution of the third millennium period of interculturalism as a model for the existence of differences by mutual interactivity. Globalization and modernization on the world stage is increasingly performed for diversity and confronting them. Understanding and interpreting the diversity of individuals, groups, societies and the world articulle the multiple meanings and symbols. In a multicultural society that is deprived of represented a diversity of interaction. Transitional societies are ambient in which universalism and examines the relation of belonging in a spirit of unity prevailing understanding of differences and intercultural communication in the modern world.
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Austrijski pisac Alexander Sacher- Masoch rođen je 18. studenoga 1901. godine u Wittkowitzu, Moravska. U Moravskoj se rodio igrom slučaja. Njegov otac, Arthur Wolfgang Ritter von Sacher- Masoch, po profesiji časnik, često je mijenjao odredišta službovanja. Alexanderova ljubav prema književnosti i pisanju nije slučajna. Njegov otac se također okušao u spisateljskim vodama i bio poprilično uspješan. Pisao je pod pseudonimom Michael Zorn i objavio nekoliko romana i niz kratkih priča. Po njegovom romanu Izmedu rijeke i stepe (1936), 1938. godine je snimljen film sa Attilom Hörbiger u glavnoj ulozi.
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As the mounting protests from Maidan Square in Kyiv led to the resignation of President Viktor Yanukovych, Ukrainians found themselves at an unavoidable fork in the road in their history. For years the country had become a new frontier of Western influence, forcing a decision between tightening economic and cultural ties with the West or with Russia. The basic question many Ukrainians faced included choosing between their Soviet past or a potential liberal democratic future. Furthermore, the Russian takeover of Crimea became the first major invasion of a European country since 1968. The goal of this article is to examine how Western versus Russian institutions and agents influence a third actor, Ukraine, in the post communist world. The following discussion will peel back the various layers of government, businesses, nongovernmental organizations, and people, both domestic and foreign, in the area of reform in order to establish how policymaking in Ukraine has been shaped. I consider the competing uses of hard and soft power in Ukraine’s reform movement, focusing on democratization and the role of specific anticorruption initiatives. Democratization concerns the liberalization of politics, loosening restrictions on policies, and developing responsive institutions. Anticorruption efforts target illegal activity propagated by an entrenched graft culture that undermines democratization efforts. I interviewed Ukrainian political elites, examining their perceptions of the ways in which foreign actors shaped reform policies. I contend that Moscow has used both hard power and soft power to undermine reform efforts. The West has relied on financial aid to bolster civil society groups and a new generation of civil servants to promote institutional capacity to further reform initiatives.
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Novi historizam nastao je kao reakcija nagomilanoga nezadovoljstva unutar određenih struktura književnih teoretičara i nastavnika engleske književnosti. Oni su bili prije svega nezadovoljni tumačenjima književnosti koje su davale tadašnje vodeće formalističke i dekonstruktivističke škole. Formalistička škola se zalagala eksplicitno i decidno za samostalnost i samoreferencijalnost književnoga diskursa, te je težište proučavanja književnoga teksta bilo na formalnim kompozicionim principima i tehničkim stilskim sredstvima (stil, zvuk, stih, ritam, metrika). Po formalistima, glavna je zadaća književne znanosti bila analiza forme, a odbacivali su sve druge kriterije (biografske, psihološke, ideološke, sociološke).
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O povijesnoj prošlosti Tuzlanskoga područja i grada Tuzle postoje arheološke iskopine i eksponati iz najstarije prošlosti. Postoje i mnogi upravni, sudski, trgovački, vjerski, darovnički pisani spisi kao izvori povijesnih činjenica vezanih za grad i okolicu, koji se nalaze u arhivima, zbirkama i knjižnicama Tuzle, Sarajeva, Zagreba, Beograda, Beča, Budimpešte, Istanbula, Dubrovnika, Venecije i privatnim ostavštinama.
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The mosque in Kozluk near Zvornik was built in the mid-17th century, during the Ottoman administration in Bosnia. According to the time of construction, it is the oldest mosque in the Zvornik area and its surroundings. With occasional reparations and renewal, and enforced downtime, it served its primary purpose from the time of its inception until today. From the initially modest mosque with wooden minaret and wooden roof, it eventually developed into a monumental domed mosque with two spiked minarets. The mosques in Kozluk is presented through four time periods in this paper. In addition to historical vertical, its architectural characteristics in all epochs of its existence are presented as well. Alongside the mosque, waqfs, cemeteries and mekteb, as its integral infrastructure, are also presented. Additionally, all knowm persons who worked in the mosque, such as: imams, waqfs, mutevelis, muezzins, mualimas and others, are presented in the paper.
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In 2018 the Decree of the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection of the Russian Federation abolished the profession of a stenographer due to the absence of demand. Researchers of the creative work of Fyodor Dostoevsky cherish the memory of two female stenographers — the writer’s collaborator Anna Dostoevskaya and Ceciliya Poshemanskaya, a modest stenographer from Leningrad that managed to fi nd the key to the shorthand system of the former. In the 1950s-1970s Poshemanskaya disclosed to the public the diary of Anna Dostoevskaya of 1867, the rough copies of “A Writer’s Diary” and “The Brothers Karamazov” and some more pages written shorthand by the writer’s assistant. Th e information on Poshemanskaya and her long-term, broad scale work in the memory of Dostoevsky is scarce. This article gives a brief description of the main stages of her creative career of the stenographer from Leningrad. Some additional details on life and work of Poshemanskaya are available in the documents kept in the fund of historianregistrar Sarra V. Zhitomirskaya (10239-fund). Principally, in the letters of Poshemanskaya to Vera M. Fyodorova and Sarra V. Zhitomirskaya, employees of the Manuscript Department of the V. I. Lenin State Library. The fragments of Poshemanskaya’s letters and her two letters to Vera M. Fyodorova published in the article’s supplement throw light upon the methods of the stenographer’s work and assign the objective to use her experience while decoding shorthand notes from the Dostoevsky archive as well as other historic stenographs.
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The Arab Spring is one of the main triggers of the contemporary Middle East crisis. Indirectly, it strengthened the radical wing of the Islamist movement, led to the wars in Syria and Yemen, intensified regional competition, and destabilised the region. However, this regional instability is not a recent phenomenon. It has its roots in the aftermath of the First World War when the combination of internal and external factors transformed this previously tranquil region into a high-risk zone. The main ideological force in the Middle East in the 1950s, Arab nationalism, ceased to play an important role in the contemporary interArab relations. Still, it would be a mistake not to consider it at least partially responsible for the present-day situation in the region. The article focusses on the developmental dynamics of Arab nationalism. That entails the analysis of the circumstances under which its liberal, pro-European discourse has been gradually transformed into the authoritarian Pan-Arabism, of its impact on the political arrangement and relations in the region, as well as the analysis of the reasons that caused the idea of Arab political unification to cease functioning as a significant framework of individual and collective action. Lastly, the article discusses the political legacy of Arab nationalism. It withdrew from the political scene of the Middle East but has left behind the autocratic regimes determined to stay in power at all cost. These repressive regimes, permanently at “war” with their own citizens and with hegemonic aspirations towards neighbouring countries, are Arab nationalism’s political legacy that bears a significant responsibility for the violence that engulfed the region after the collapse of the Arab Spring and for the resulting Middle East nightmare.
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The text deals with life, moral and political drama of an old Polish revolutionary, Stashevski, who today, as a symphatizer of KOR and Solidarity trade union, remembers his youthful enthusiasm, and also his disappointment in the first country of socialism, telling about his impressions from Comintern schools where he heard Buharin and Zinovjev,and about the infamous Moscow and Kolima prisons. In spite of all the tortures and stalinist cruelties he remained true to his communist convictions.
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This article examines a case study of international Communist propaganda during the Cold War. The Institute of Historical and Socio-Political Research (ISISP), a historical propaganda organization affiliated to the Romanian Communist Party (RCP), succeeded in penetrating the Iron Curtain by distributing its works through a social network provided by the Italian Liberation Movement Institute, and in publishing its works in Italy, with the help of the Gramsci Institute, as well as publishers like Editori Riuniti and Nicola Teti. The ISISP established a mutually beneficial partnership with various Italian actors: ISISP and the regime succeeded in publishing international propaganda; the Italian publishing houses were paid by ISISP to print and distribute their edited volumes, with the double advantage of keeping political ties with the RCP while also protecting their own limited finances.
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Celem badań było dokonanie analizy arktycznego sporu terytorialnego pomiędzy Danią a Kanadą toczonego o wsypę Hans. Badanie polegało na kompletnym ujęciu przyczyn sporu, jego przebiegu, a także implikacji na przyszłość.Metoda badańSpór terytorialny o wyspę Hans został zbadany w opraciu o analizę historyczną oraz analizę źródeł pierwotnych i wtórnych. WynikiBadanie wykazało, iż arktyczny spór terytorialny o wyspę Hans ma historycznie długi przebieg i jak dotąd nie udało się znaleźć jego rozwiązania. Istnieje kilka propozycji rozwiązania sporu, jednak żadna z nich obecnie nie jest brana pod uwagę. Bardzo możliwe, że w przyszłości w rozwiązanie sporu włączy się Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych oraz społeczność międzynarodowa. Na przebieg sporu mogą mieć wpływ zmiany klimatyczne postępujace w Arktyce. WnioskiSpór terytorialny o wyspę Hansa różni się od innych sporów. Przebiega za pomocą dyplomatycznych przepychanek niejednokrotnie z elementami humorystycznymi przez co był określony mianem ''wojny whiskey''.
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Teza. Polityka historyczna na Węgrzech jest oparta na pamięci o największej tragedii narodowej, jaką był traktat z Trianon, a także na upamiętnieniu bohaterskiej rewolucji z 1956 roku. Polityka w tym zakresie obejmuje także pamięć historyczną związaną z zagadnieniem holokaustu.Omówione koncepcje. Podstawą interpretacji są sposoby upamiętania wydarzeń historycznych przez dzisiejszą klasę polityczną. Do obszarów badawczych zalicza się zapisy konstytucyjne odnoszące się do historii, organizacje obchodów narodowych, a także powoływanie do życia instytucji państwowych i muzeów odpowiedzialnych za kreowanie świadomości historycznej.Wnioski. Polityka pamięci na Węgrzech jest obecnie tematem bardzo popularnym, mającym wpływ na kształt węgierskiej sceny politycznej. Tekst porusza temat niedostatecznie zbadany. Na polskim gruncie brakuje literatury wyczerpującej owe zagadnienie.
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This paper consists in three case studies of modern French philosophers who drew their inspiration from Plato: Émile Chartier (1868 1951), known under his nom de plume Alain, famous as a teacher in the twenties of the last century, and two of his pupils, Simone Pétrement (1907 1992) and Simone Weil (1909 1943). Great admirer of Plato, Alain taught the survival of his main thoughts through all the philosophical tradition and their agreement with the rationalistic mood of 19th 20th century philosophy. This implied that these thoughts were stripped of the allegorical or mythological way in which Plato often expresses them. In particular, Plato’s allegory of the cave, one of his core images, turned out in Alain’s interpretation to be a metaphoric description of the difficult ascent of the mind up to scientific or at least rational knowledge. Consequently in this interpretation it was no longer question of any transcendency of the idea of the Good. Pétrement and Weil remained faithful to their teacher and therefore to Platonic inspiration. Nevertheless, both of them, although in different ways, have reacted against this exhaustion of transcendence and come into conflict with modern interpretation of Plato. Pétrement, even before specialising in the history of Gnosticism, worked out a dualistic system in which truth is absolutely transcendent because, as universal, it is unattainable for any particular mind inasmuch it is a subject’s mind. Truth, therefore, is unattainable throughout this life. On Weil’s part, the interest in Plato took place after a period of left wing militancy, following her discovery of Christianity and some personal experiences of mysticism. Platonism was for her a means of combining her new faith with a properly philosophical, i.e. rationalistic, way of thinking. Of course in this view transcendency was crucial to the idea of Good as much as to that of God. Whether this transcendency is more a matter of faith than of reason is at least uncertain.
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