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A new phase of open imposition of Stalinism began in Bulgaria from the summer of 1948 and its intensification was demonstrated in 1949. When Valko Chervenkov headed the 68-th Bulgarian government in February 1950, his administration throughout the next four years led a course towards open and unreserved Sovietization and application of the Stalin model in all realms of social, political, economic and cultural life of the country. The radical turning point in the government led to purges, confrontation and displacements at the top of the party and government administration in Bulgaria. They were accompanied by personal rivalry and the weighing of past merits among Bulgarian communist elite representatives and predetermined by Stalin’s attitude in favour of long time political immigrants and of the “youngsters” in governance.
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A study conducted by the Research Department of the Secretariat General of the Arab Banking Union entitled ‘Developing the Arab Economy in 2014 and 2016’, shows that the economy has experienced a decline in Real GDP growth compared to 2012. Uncertainty, complexity and social conditions as well as political changes are among the major factors which hamper economic activity in the region. Economic freedom is one of the most important indicators of the level of conditions and the situation that prevail in any country, especially in the Arab countries. If this indicator is negative, it will reflect the country’s situation. Economic and social freedom is just a mirror of a political situation affected by many shortcomings culminating in a reaction to violence in which Arab governments faced the riots of the people during what became known as the Arab Spring. Compared to 2012, the Arab economy experienced a decline in real growth in 2013, which reflected the decline in real GDP growth. This was due to several factors, the most important of them being the fall in oil prices, the energy export earnings of oil-exporting countries, and the ongoing political and social unrest in the region since the beginning of theArab Spring.
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The present article focuses on the Russian military intelligence in Bulgaria in the period since the establishment of the Third Bulgarian State until the beginning of the Balkan War in 1912. The Russian intelligence in Bulgaria is carried out mainly by military agents in the country, which are subordinated to the General Headquarters of Russia. The main task of the military agents is comprehensive military statistical study of the Bulgarian state and its armed forces as well as collecting political information with military value. The author examines the process of building Russian military agents and the impact of the political relations between the two countries on the organizational structure and activities of Russian intelligence in Bulgaria.
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Die Stimmen von Marrakesch (1967) is one of the characteristic texts produced by Bulgarian-born Austrian writer and Nobel prize winner Elias Canetti. On the one hand, his Aufzeichnungen nach einer Reise (A Record of a Visit) lays the foundations of the aphoristic style of his multi-volume “records”, and, on the other hand, is imbedded in the European tradition of travel writing as a genre dedicated to memoir culture. The paper traces the rhetoric of memory as a narrative principle, unifying the impressions of the traveller as a by-standing observer of the real journey, his reflections on the stories further developed in his imagination and his rhetorical devices for the articulation of universal human ideas.
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mmediately after the proclamation of the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church (MOC) atthe Third Macedonian Church and People’s Council in Ohrid in 1967, in 1968, the Fourth Macedonian Church and People’s Council took place. In the years that followed, the Macedonian Orthodox Church did not hold a new churchpeople’s council. She did it only in October 1974 when the Fifth Macedonian Church and People’s Council was convened. After three years of that Council, in December 1977 the Sixth Macedonian Church and People’s Council of the Macedonian Orthodox Church was held. It is in the content of this paper that the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Macedonian ecclesiastical gatherings, i.e. the councils held in the period after the proclamation of autocephaly and in the years from 1968 to 1980, will be covered.
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The article is dedicated to the 25th anniversary of the journal “Epochs” and to the published in it ethnological researches.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze the period of the Bulgarian transition in the modern studentbooks of History and civilizations for the 10th grade on several aspects: significant accents, the ratio of politics-economy-society-culture, multifaceted perspectives. This will assess the ability of new generation textbooks to help understand and analyze current processes, to prepare young people for social adaptation and realization.
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The article focuses on the role and the importance of the Bulgarian language as a foundation of the education process at the Bulgarian St. Cyril and St. Methodius Men’s High School. It discusses the historical factors which had an impact on Bulgarian education in Thessaloniki and studies the establishment and development of the Bulgarian High School in Thessaloniki as well as the role it played in educating teachers for the schools in Macedonia. The analysis focuses on the educational curricula adopted in the mid 1880s and is based on a comparison between the Men’s High School in Thessaloniki – as a representative school beyond the borders of the newly-liberated country – and the high schools in the Principality of Bulgaria. It also outlines the differences in the approaches to determining the number of Bulgarian language classes as well as the specifics of foreign language teaching at the High School in Thessaloniki and those in Bulgaria. Some attention has also been given to the textbooks and handbooks written byteachers from the school.
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The article discusses the shift from the methodology of the Soviet totalitarian period in Ukrainian art history to the modern methods that are more appropriate for the interpretation of contemporary Ukrainian art. The analysis showed that, during the Soviet period, art and art history in Ukraine were under strict ideological and political control. Art history and criticism were widely used as a means of ideological propaganda, and therefore art studies could not fully represent and interpret art. A considerable part of the art phenomena was ignored by researchers due to the hierarchy of trends and genres of art established in the USSR; art historians had to assess the “validity” of an artwork or an artist according to the official ideology. The variety of methods and research instruments was limited and insufficient for the research of contemporary Ukrainian art, including feminist art. The creative work of the Ukrainian female artist Alina Kopytsa is shown as an example in order to demonstrate the expedience of modern approaches, which are still not common for Ukrainian art history. Thus, a wider range of methods and approaches is regarded as the means to develop an effective methodological background, and to provide a better understanding of contemporary Ukrainian art.
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Donations and charity most clearly reveal the sympathy, solidarity, and willingness of the people to support cultural, educational, health, and social initiatives that are useful for the whole society. The history of Veliko Tarnovo in recent times has been marked by numerous acts of charity, which have had a significant contribution to the development of the city, and which are a permanent testimony to the morality and humanity of the Tarnovo citizens. This study is an attempt to systematize the available information about donations in Veliko Tarnovo in order to get a general picture of who is making these donations, to whom, for what, and for what reasons.
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Based on the original documentary material collected by the author in the National Archives of the Republic of Moldova, an attempt has been made to investigate some unknown aspects of the struggle of Bessarabian Bulgarians against the tsarist policy of assimilation during the First World War. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Bulgarians ranked fifth in terms of population in Bessarabia – a province annexed to the Russian Empire in 1812. In all these years, they preserved their language, culture, and national traditions, transforming the Alexander III Boys’ Gymnasium in Bolgrad into a true centre of national culture. Many Bessarabian Bulgarians played an important role in the history of Bulgaria, holding positions of responsibility in the Bulgarian state. Some of them were the Prime Minister of Bulgaria Aleksandar Malinov, the Minister of War Danail Nikolaev, the Mayor of Sofia Martin Todorov and his brother General Georgi Todorov, and General Ivan Kolev. Despite this fact, and in contradiction with Russian historical mythology about special relations privileged with Bulgarians, the Russian authorities treated them equally with other national minorities, exposing them to forced assimilation, deportations, expulsions, repressions, and arrests of representatives of the Bulgarian national movement in the Russian Empire.
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The aim of this article is to reveal the judicial and extra-judicial factors of the trial of the VI section of the “People’s Court” in Sofia, held in the spring of 1945. The emphasis is on the legal framework, the manner of the trial, the procedure violations and the judicial and extra-judicial mechanisms used to achieve specific results, corresponding to the political goals of this trial aimed at convicting people associated with the pro-German propaganda in Bulgaria during World War II. The study applies the historical-legal method. The factors determining the trial are analyzed, as well as the penal and repressive role of the trial itself in establishing the power of the Fatherland Front after the coup of 9 September 1944.
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After the Bled agreements between Josip Broz Tito and Georgi Dimitrov, the cultural autonomy for the Macedonians in Pirin Macedonia began. This meant that Macedonians were allowed to study Macedonian literary language in the schools in Bulgaria. But as there was much opposition to this from Bulgaria, long negotiations between the two sides took place. Because of that, the Ministry of Education in the People’s Republic of Macedonia started to hire teachers and send them in Pirin Macedonia to work in the schools there. There were also negotiations about some problems between Central Committee of Communist Party of Macedonia and the Ministry of Education of Bulgaria. The negotiations were fruitful and the teachers started their job. Also, when the teachers were in Pirin Macedonia, every problem they had was solved with the help of the Ministry of Education of PRM.
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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, and in a broadest historical and economic context, the essence of globalization was the integration of China in the world market. China, however, did not become a free, democratic state, on the contrary, its totalitarian order did not ensure predictable decisions in relations with Western partners, in the pandemic, in the economy, above all in global supply chains. China’s authoritarian bureaucracy, not accountable to independent institutions, has become irresponsible in global relations. Care and responsibility towards public health have become new factors of democratic standards and global order.
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Five European documents of different institutions (1996–2009), describe the transition’s rules in East- and Central Europe after 1989. Nevertheless R Macedonia (1992) continues to exist in the “antifascism-status-quo” shadow; its core is the ideology of Macedonism, i.e. the Serbiancommunist idea that the local population is by Slav-birth and is not a part of the Bulgarian nation. The “antifacism status-quo” is a creation of the Comintern (1919); its Balkans section adopts a resolution (1934) for the “Macedonian nation” invention; in September 1944 it is “built” a “Macedonian language”. So the Comintern internationalism ideology backs the Slav-Serbian position of the non-Bulgarian origin of the native-born population in Vardar Macedonia in practice. The undersigned Anticomintern pact (1936) between Germany and Italie ideologically traces the forthcoming war conflict. During the war (1941–1944) Bulgaria fulfils only administrative governance duties in Vardar Macedonia. At the end of 1944 under the Jugoslav communist party pressure (Comintern party member too!), it is enacted a special law (in a “Democratic Macedonia” – 1945!): the so-called “Macedonian national honour injury” law; the Bulgarians and the Albanians are proclaimed to be “fascist ocuppiers” of Vardar Macedonia.”Radko” is the one of the pseudonims of the last VMRO leader –Ivan Michailov and it is a NGO. It is founded in 2001 in Ohrid. Its aim is “to protect the Bulgarian national identity of the local population”. During 16 years and under the pretence of different judicial causes of Macedonian court at the different levels it is not registrated legally in R Macedonia. After three consecutive appeals by the “Radko” NGO to the European court of human rights in Strasbourg it is registrated finally on 6.October 2016 in R Macedonia.
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The education of the children of Bulgarian subjects in the Kingdom of Bulgaria belonging to ethnic and religious communities other than the Bulgarian is held in public, private and foreign schools. The number of children belonging to the Bulgarian-Mohammedan and Turkish population in Bulgaria is predominant during the period under review. By number of schools and children covered, private Turkish schools in the Kardzhali region ranked first in the country. The status of private schools is determined by the Bulgarian educational legislation, in accordance with the international agreements of Bulgaria. According to Art. 55 of the Treaty of Neuilly, undertakes to enable minority children to study in primary schools in the own language. The implementation of this provision is not applied by the Bulgarian educational institutions in the country and the region. According to them, providing opportunities for further education of children in public schools requires more financial resources to support them than in private Turkish schools. The Ministry of National Education after the changes in the National Education Act in 1921. takes measures to increase teachers in Bulgarian language, Bulgarian history and geography in private Turkish schools. Due to the lack of teachers of Bulgarian language of Turkish origin, at the request of the Mustangli District School Inspectorate, teachers of Bulgarian origin are appointed. The tendency for increasing Bulgarian teachers in private Turkish schools is maintained during the period under review. Their appointment meets resistance from some Muslim clergy who attach greater importance to religious education and upbringing to maintain their influence among the local Turkish population. The management of BANU increases the financial support for private Turkish schools. After the military coup on June 9, 1923 there has been a change in the government’s educational policy towards private schools regarding the limitation of funding for Turkish private schools. The policy of reducing the financial costs of private Turkish schools continued to govern governments after the coup of May 19, 1934. Due to poor hygiene conditions, poor physical and educational background, lack of competent Turkish teachers, non-compliance with state education law, many private Turkish schools in the country and the region are closed.
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U radu se na osnovu arhivskih izvora (Državni arhiv Crne Gore, Hrvatski državni arhiv, Arhiv Jugoslavije, Vojni arhiv Srbije, različite privatne ostavštine i rukopisi) i literature te tiskovina pokušava rekonstruirati biografi ja vođe muslimanske milicije Sulejmana Pačariza, uglavnom za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata, iako je radom obuhvaćen cijeli njegov život. Rad u suštini promatra odnosno opisuje složene događaje i vojno-političke procese u regiji Sandžaka tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata s težištem na djelovanje Pačariza i njegove milicije. Kompleksnost mnogostrukih aktera događaja (Italija, Njemačka, četnički pokret, ustaška NDH, muslimanski faktor) s različitim interesima na tadašnjoj vojno-političkoj sceni Sandžaka u ratno vrijeme te nedostatak primarnih izvora u dobrom dijelu onemogućuju da se njegova biografija i djelovanje kao i djelovanje njegove muslimanske milicije kojoj je bio na čelu postave u pravom historiografskom smislu. Ipak, i ovi historiografski izvori koji su nam bili dostupni su nam omogućili da te događaje pa i ličnost Pačariza i pripadnika njegove milicije djelomično rekonstruiramo te tako pružimo pogled i na to dramatično i traumatično razdoblje prošlosti Sandžaka.
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