Mary R. Lefkowitz, Women in Greek Myth
Review of: Mary R. Lefkowitz, Women in Greek Myth, London: Bristol Classical Press, 1995.
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Review of: Mary R. Lefkowitz, Women in Greek Myth, London: Bristol Classical Press, 1995.
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The article includes several conceptual focuses: the personality of Jesus Christ as true God and Man; the differences between birth and creation in relation to Jesus Christ as the Son of God; the question of the possibility of Divine Kennosis in the person of Jesus Christ; the question of the HolyTrinity. These issues are interpreted in a philosophical context. The text discusses God as Absolute Transcendence, Infinity, Totality and Love. At the same time, the author strives to establish a correspondence with the concepts of conventional theology on these four points.
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The Conquest of Trabzon by Muslims in 1461 triggered the religious conversions within the city. However, even if some Christians in the city seemed to have chosen Islam, they maintained their own beliefs in a secret manner. This community who kept their faith a secret lived in the region of Maçka and its vicinity which had been the centre of Christianity for a long time and the place where Sümela Monastery is located on Trabzon–Gümüşhane historical road. The same situation was seen upcountry in Gümüşhane sanjak alongside Krom and Istavri villages in Torul district known by their mining activities. The Istavris who had lived in the region then migrated to the Akdağmadeni region of the Sanjak of Yozgat in the Ankara Province and continued their double faiths there.This community, which had been Muslim and crypto Christian for many years declared that they would return to their old beliefs, Christianity, in the wake of the encouragement that came with the rising Russian influence in the region, the intervention of Western states as well as the Edict of Gülhane and Edict of Reform that gave freedom to Ottoman citizens to practice their own faith. This matter, which had been taken advantage by the Western states as a propaganda tool to interfere in the internal affairs, kept the agenda of Ottoman State occupied for a long time. Especially at the end of World War I, the Istavris question was also addressed in the Paris Peace Conference, where the Greek side used it as a propaganda tool. After the successful end of the War of Independence for the Turkish side, this issue fell of the agenda with the immigration of crypto Christian community from Anatolia because of the Exchange Agreement signed between Turkey and Greece.
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Conversion is a word with a variety of meanings. It also has various significations, from the exchange between different currencies, to job conversion or the change of career path, to the change from one religion, political belief, viewpoint, etc., to another – all these types of conversion have mutual methods and shared purposes. They are all requiring malleability, the capacity of exchanging old things for the new ones, openness to different, the will to adopt something new or at least different, and the legerity of giving up on the old things. All these requirements are always easier said than done, and therefore conversion is not for all types of characters and personalities, some being more stable and fundamental, thus resistant to renewal.There is no religion, on the one hand, that does not promote conversion and thus use proselytism to do it. On the other hand, same religions that believe conversion (to their own faith) is an act of God, a sign that everyone should embrace and leave whatever religious belief they might have previously, consider it as a ‘sin’, an act that should be forbidden, the conversion/leaving for other, diverse religion. How is it regarded by religions and scientific thought and at what point it became obsolete?
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The article aims at describing research into the relationship between culture and religion and presents current ideas how culture affects human behaviour and cross-cultural communication. The early research focused on the issues of interrelated culture and religion. The majority of researchers agreed that the interpretation of religious issues differed due to cultural diversity. In the past, researchers concentrated on the following issues: 1) analysis of the links between the cultures and the five most influential religions in the world: Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Judaism; 2) comparisons of key similarities and differences as well as rituals and practices of different religions including postures and gestures of believers; 3) the relationship between human beings and God(s). Nevertheless, it is believed that up to now the issues of links between culture and religion remain understudied and contradictory. Ongoing research into cultural issues is based on the iceberg model, which was designed and described by T. Hall in the previous century. It comprises visible and invisible elements that are learnt either sub consciously or consciously. This model remains up-to-date in the 21st century due to its ubiquity. The cultural dimensions theory that describes how culture affects the values of society members and how values are relevant to their behaviour has been recently developed by G. Hofstede, who argues that national culture imposes itself on human behaviour.
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The existing, largely heterogeneous, religious and ethnic image of Montenegro is a result of profound transformations that have occurred on its territory over the past thousand years. The early medieval Principality of Duklja, with its backbone on contemporary Montenegrin soil, belonged to the Catholic sphere during and after the Schism of 1054. The same was true of neighbouring principalities of Travunia and Zahumlje, which were under the rule of Duklja for much of the 11th and 12th centuries. The metropolis of Bar played the role of the religious centre of the Principality of Duklja, which later became a kingdom. It was also the political pillar of the Vojislavljević dynasty. At the end of the 12th century, the former Duklja, Travunia, and Zahumlje came under the rule of Serbia, whose Orthodox church organisation acquired independent status in 1219. On the other hand, the Archbishoprics of Žiča and Peć, the latter subsequently becoming a patriarchate, were political backbones of the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić. Since it was a period of sharp polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, the population of Duklja and Zahumlje were almost completely con¬verted to Orthodoxy under Serbian rule. Coastal cities were a significant exception. For practical reasons, they were allowed to keep their autonomous status, including Catholicism. Under the influence of the Republic of Ragusa, Croatia, Bosnia, and the Franciscan Order, Catholicism was partially restored in the western parts of former Zahumlje and some coastal regions of Travunia. However, among the Slavic population of present-day Montenegro, Catholicism persisted only in coastal centres and in part of the settlements that gravitated towards them. Following the disintegration of the Serbian state, largely driven by the Ottoman invasions of the Balkans, as well as the period of change of different state authorities, the coastal areas of Montenegro came under the rule of the Venetian Republic largely during the first half of the 15th century. Subsequent Ottoman conquests reduced the Venetian coastal possessions to tiny, mutually separated enclaves within which Catholics and Orthodox continued to co-exist mostly harmoniously. Throughout the rest of the coast, suffering further losses, this time under the Ottomans, Catholicism was maintained among a minor part of the Slavic population occupying the area surrounding Bar. Further changes in the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro took place under the Ottoman influence. By breaking into certain border areas, Albanians established their definite domination already at the end of the Middle Ages. Furthermore, the mass Islamisation of the Albanian Catholic population encouraged similar processes in the Slavic neighbourhood. Together with neighbouring Herzegovina and northern Albania, Montenegro became a demographic source of mass migration to neighbouring, war-depopulated areas. Among other destinations, migration was directed towards the present-day Sandžak, which was continuously settled by the Montenegrin Orthodox and Muslim population. However, the most far-reaching phenomenon was the formation of sub-Lovćen Montenegro. Having expanded and acquired state capacity, its Orthodox population established a special form of self-awareness. The ethnic differentiation of the Slavic population of Montenegro was closely linked to the religious one. Catholics were firmly oriented towards the West, which was further encouraged mainly by the prevalence of Orthodoxy but also Islam. This orientation, among other things, led to socio-cultural integration into the broader ethnic entity that shared their language and religion and became recognised as Croatian during the processes of nation formation. Since the distinct existence of Orthodoxy complied with the goals of the Serbian dynasty and state since its initiation, certain forms of Serbian proto-national awareness were conceived early among the Montenegrin Orthodox. Over time, it was challenged by the idea of Montenegrin ethnic state. This caused a break in the identity of the Montenegrin Orthodox, which con¬tinues to preclude their final national self-determination. As holders of the Ottoman- Islamic state concept, the Slavic Muslim population of Montenegro was historically strongly distanced from Christian fellow countrymen speaking the same language. At the same time, they identified with the rest of the Slavic Muslim population, most¬ly concentrated in Bosnia, which finally enabled their co-existence with the Bosniak national construct. Given the extreme complexity of the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro and the processes that shaped it, it is expected to raise many important research questions. The attached paper focusses on one of them. Almost the entire area of intertwined relations between Slavic Catholics (Croats) and Orthodox (Serbs/ Montenegrins) was located in the part of the Montenegrin coast that defended itself against the Ottoman invasions during the Venetian rule (eastern Boka Kotorska, the town of Budva, Paštrovići), that is, the part that was liberated from the Ottomans at the turn of the 17th century (western Boka Kotorska, the mountain range of Orjen in its hinterland, Grbalj, the immediate surroundings of Budva). During the subsequent second Austrian rule (1814–1918) the mentioned areas were parts of the Kingdom of Dalmatia and in 1878 they were joined Spič, a part of the Ottoman Catholic–Orthodox zone west of Bar. Since the centre of the whole area was located in the Bay of Kotor, together with Boka, it was also known under the name of Boka Kotorska in the narrow sense. Despite centuries of interaction between Catholics and Orthodox on the ground of Boka, the first comprehensive data which may be analysed to provide a numerical insight into their religious–ethnic relations were obtained from Austrian censuses conducted from the second half of the 19th century. However, until the end of that century, those censuses did not allow for a more accurate image of the ethnic features of Boka and (much of) its settlements. The first to make this possible is the 1900 census. Therefore, by analysing the data provided by that census, the enclosed paper attempts to specify in numerical terms the ethnic relations between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins on the territory of Boka Kotorska, including all its settlements. More precisely, the paper deals with the territory of Kotor district, which included Boka Kotorska at the time. According to available insights, within Kotor district, which occupied 673.79 km², there were 34,115 inhabitants in 1900, of which 9,565 or 28% were Croats and 23,746 or 69.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. There were significant ethnic differences between certain parts of the said district. The mountainous regions of Orjen, inhabited by the Krivošije tribe, were almost completely homogeneous. The area of approximately 200 km² was settled by 2,235 inhabitants, of which 42 or 1.9% were Croats, mostly immigrants, while 2,187 or 97.9% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The situation was similar in the coastal area between Kotor and eastern Spič (Grbalj municipality /without Lješević/, Budva and its immediate surroundings, Paštrovići and three homogeneous Serbian/Montenegrin settlements in the western part of Spič municipality). The area of approximately 210 km2 was occupied by 9,427 inhabitants, of which 368 or 3.9% were Croats and 9,012 or 95.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Within that area, Croats lived as indigenous population only in the town of Budva (301) and as a small minority in Kastel Lastva, which was subsequently renamed Petrovac na Moru (21). Boka Kotorska was ethnically heterogeneous in the narrow sense. This applied to the coastal areas of the bay as well as those that were not by located the sea but gravitated towards the Boka coast. The narrow area of Boka occupying approximately 230 km² was inhabited by 21,473 people, of which 8,332 or 38.8% were Croats and 12,390 or 57.7% Serbs/Montenegrins. There was a noticeable difference between the western part of Boka, which had once belonged to the Ottoman Empire, and the eastern part, which used to be under the Venetian Republic. In 1900 the former Ottoman Boka was inhabited by 9,879 people, of which 1,190 or 12.1% were Croats while 8,438 or 85.4% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of former Venetian Boka had 11,594 inhabitants, of whom 7,142 or 61.6% were Croats and 3,952 or 34.1% were Serbs/Montenegrins. This formerly Venetian part also consisted of two separate, more or less homogeneous, ethnic entities. One was predominantly Croatian, with 9,458 inhabitants, of whom 7,023 or 74.3% were Croats and 1,935 or 20.5% were Serbs/Montenegrins (many settlements on the Vrmac peninsula/mountain, a part of the sub-Lovćen coastal area, and the towns of Perast, Strp-Lipci, Kostanjica, Đurići, Krašići). The predominantly Serbian/Montenegrin majority counted 2,136 inhabitants; 119 or 5.6% of Croats and 2,017 or 94.4% of Serbs/Montenegrins (Luštica without Krašići, Krtole, Lješevići) Particularly interesting was eastern Spič, occupied by 980 inhabitants, of which 823 or 84% were Croats and 157 or 16% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Eastern Spič should essentially be considered in the context of the remaining Bar coast, which belonged to the Principality of Montenegro at the time. It should be noted that this Montenegrin part of the Bar coast was distinguished not only by the presence of the Croatian and Montenegrin population but also by a strong representation of the Bosniak community. As already pointed out, although relatively homogeneous ethnic entities existed within the Kotor district, including the mentioned entity between Kotor and eastern Spič, precisely its ethnic features, together with those of the immediate surroundings of Bar, allowed the total coastal area between Herceg-Novi and Bar to be perceived as a space of exchange between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of Boka Kotorska is one in a series of localities where a heterogeneous ethnic image was historically formed. Such regions are particularly interesting to re¬searchers since the complex ethnic image could only emerge from complex political and social processes. The paper aimed at reconstructing that image according to the results available from the 1900 census. The study focussed on data relating to distinc¬tiveness that providing a basic insight into its features. Such phenomena certainly need to be addressed, as well as the processes they caused. They primarily fostered a special social climate in which one had to pay attention to differences and know how to co-exist with them. The entire Montenegrin coast has extensive experience in this regard. Many problems arose from this experience. Some of them were self-imposed or constituted reflections from the wider social scene or were imported by the immigration of individuals with different cultural and political sensibilities. The fact remains that, even during the worst temptations experienced in the area, despite all the differences and regardless of religion and variable historical conditions, the population of Boka has preserved the ability to co-exist. Although the “set of circumstances” played a role in this, such development was not undermined by the distinctive flexibility of the Montenegrin coastal population, regardless of religion. It manifested itself through centuries of mutual interaction and multiple social ties, including familial ones. This positive heritage and the culture that produced it should also be attributed due importance. Finally, the meaning of Catholicism and Orthodoxy was perhaps best manifested exactly at that level.
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Kutatásom témája a valláslélektan és a vallásos néprajz körét érinti, amely jórészt felfedezetlen terület. A néprajzkutatás előszeretettel kutatja és tárja fel az életfordulókhoz (les rites de passage) kötődő szokásokat és rítusokat, viszont kevés olyan munka született, amely egyházi teológiai szempontból vizsgálná és írná le a református népi vallásosság évszázadokon át ápolt szertartásait. Bár minden életforduló nagyon fontos és meghatározó, most csupán az utolsó stációhoz, a halálhoz kapcsolódó virrasztó és tor szertartásait kutatjuk, amelyek megszabják az búcsút vevő közösség viselkedését.
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Addressing the issue of the state policy of separating the "loyal" from the "disloyal" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1945 to 1963 is one of the most neglected issues in Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography. In this paper, based on unpublished historical sources and available literature, the author contextualises the political circumstances of the state policy of differentiation of the "positive" from the "reactionary" priests of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing to the motives and policy-makers of such a policy, and analyses its manifestation and effects. Furthermore, the author separately analyses the causes, motives and flow of the policy of granting state honours and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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While spreading wide-world, the new coronavirus Sars-CoV-2 made changes in many social departments of our society on levels we never thought about and messes with all our cultural habits. Thus, we witnessed that the religious denominations took into consideration changes without precedent in their cultic history and thus dogmatic as well concerning the actual threat of Coronavirus. We saw for example the Roman-Catholic Church who suspended all masses here and there [1] at first or banned the crucial gestures in rituals [to suspend the distribution of Holy Communion from the Chalice [2], to distribute the Eucharist preferably into the hands of the faithful, and to avoid the physical contact from a peaceful handshake, to forego ash crosses on forehead, to suspend placing water in holy water fonts at the entrance of churches, that the churchgoers “refrain” from kissing or touching the cross for veneration, or even cancellation of masses]. We witnessed Buddhist temples and Protestant churches around Korea [at first] and beyond that have also suspended religious gatherings, and so on. In my case, the Romanian Orthodox Church did the same thing [3], but in a controversial way, firstly making some recommendations for its believers [e.g. not to kiss public icons in Churches, but their indoor ones, and receive Holy Communion with teaspoons for single-use]; afterward same Church reconsidered these recommendations and withdrew its decision [perhaps at the pressure of civil fundamentalists]. How can we qualify all these measures and, moreover, the withdrawal on behalf of religious believers, as weakness, populism, diligence, assuming the human limits, or...something else? What would be the correct and coherent answer religion(s) should assume in this
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The analysis of the images of the Nine Eleven’s tragedy, produced and shown in the World Trade center’s collapse will stand as the starting point of a thought about the symbolical mechanisms’ coordination of the capitalist society’s political imagination. The symbolic value of the scene’s different elements will be questioned, isolated from the each others first, and then associated, through the reading table given by one kind of mythological narratives inserted in the Indo- European tradition (especially the judeo-christian’s one), in the genesis of our civilization. So, we’re going to take, as referent narratives, the ones about “Babel Tower” and “The ten plagues of Egypt” that we consider as ones of the most important founding myths in our Culture: “Babel” will let us know about the nature of the relation, between the spectator and his environment, connected by the upward symbol. “The death of the firstborn son” will give us some keys to get the disaster as a kind of sacrificial crisis, a tragedy assigned to the necessity of reproduction - resurrection of the power on its own ashes, still incandescent.
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Sloboda je bivanje svojim. Takvo bivanje u punome značenju pripada samo onome biću koje ničim nije uvjetovano, Jednom Koji nije rodio niti je rođen, Koji nikome i ničemu nije jednak. Takav ne bi bio ako bi ostao nepoznat. Njegove mogućnosti su neograničene i neograničljive u pokazanju bivanja svojim. Takvo pokazanje je Njegova slika. Ali, nijedna slika nije isto što i On, pa je pokazanje neograničeni i neograničljivi tok nastajanja i nestajanja slika Njega. Svaka od tih slika je dvojina uvjetovana Njegovom jednošću neuvjetovanom Njegovom jestošću. Da bi taj nestišljivi i neograničljivi tok nastajanja i nestajanja dvojina bio Njegovo potpuno obznanjenje, sabran je u ljudskosti koja – i pored uvjetnosti, što znači ograničenosti – ima i slobodnu volju. Jedino ga ta slobodna volja čini i sabranošću sveg postojanja i višom od njeg.
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The Counter-Reformation clearly had not only religious impact, but also social, cultural and ethnocultural. Tridentine politics promoted the universalism of reformed Catholicism while facing with threatening Protestantism. This was accepted as an effort to promote cohesion within language communities, and they were often the basis of hierarchical missions and organizations.In the Balkans, even in its Ottoman part, it had even more specific tasks, in addition to the general Tridentine goals, to protect the Catholic community from the risk of Islamization.
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The article discusses the theme of the pilgrimage to the Sanctuary of Señor de Qoyllurit’i (and his alter ego – Señor de Tayankani), one of the most important patron feast (fiesta patronal) in the central-Andean region (Perú). The first part contains an ethnographic description of the procession, its location in “sacred space” and the main social actors involved. In the following part the attention focuses on the description of the foundational legends and myths of the festivity and the debate related to the syncretic form of the worship of Señor de Qoyllurit’i, based on the fusion between religious traditions of the Andean region and Catholicism. In the end the process of changes in the structure of the ceremony is presented, related to environmental problems: the aspect of climate change and its repercussions on regional beliefs.
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Modern researches, contrary to traditional beliefs, has shown that early period here-tics had greater direct and indirect effects on the canonization of Christian scriptures and in the process of the separation of Christianity from Judaism. In this context, many studies that deal with the first three centuries of history of Christianity have brought to light historical figures that were somewhat ignored by the dominant Christian tradition. Also, these studies opened up for discussion some traditional theological assumptions about the place of these heretics in the formation of the Christian belief. Undoubtedly, Marcion (d. 160/161/165) has a special place among the names discus-sed in these studies. Because he was a person of influential active participants in the institutionalization process of early Christianity. He was also one of the first figures to form his holy canon by taking the initiative in a conscious theological stance. So, most scholars who dealing with the history of Christianity almost agree that Marcion was the first to collect an authoritative canon by set certain selections from the texts already known and accepted by a large part of the Messianic movement in the 2nd century AD. Thus, he was able to somewhat create a belief that was shaped around his own theology and had a permanent effect on her followers. Nevertheless, traditional Christianity has an interesting silence about Marcion’s pre-cursor role in the formation of the Christian canon. Therefore, there is substantially silence about the methodology which he used in his search for the historical life of Jesus and Paul and in his critical studies of the scriptures. For example, Church fathers who were interested in the edition of the scriptures mostly ignored Marcion's influ-ence in the canonization of the New Testament and did not prefer to cite him because he was a heretic. So, his place as a biblical critic has been abandoned to conscious silence by the Church for centuries. Undoubtedly, it was Adolf von Harnack (d. 1930) who pointed out the most important heretic of the second century as a biblical critic by removing him from a long silence for centuries. In the first quarter of the 20th century, Harnack’s success was to both write the monography of Marcion and (to put it in S. Moll’s words) was to convert this most important heretic of the 2nd century to a hero. Harnack, in his monography (Marcion: Das Evangelium vom fremden Gott) first published in German in 1921, not only demonstrated Marcion’s direct or indirect influence on the Christian canonical tradition but also determined the direction of critical studies and discussions in the following years. For this reason, studies on Mar-cion may be largely divided into two main fields so-called pre-Harnack and post-Harnack. This paper is about Marcion’s place as an ancient forerunner of modern biblical criti-cism in the context of post-Harnackian studies. In this context, our research aims to reveal possible aspects of the relationship between Marcion’s critical method and the basic features of modern Biblical studies. We do not address some issues that are important about Marcion and his gnostic theology because of exceeding the scope of this article. But in this paper, we discuss various aspects of the theological and metho-dological background of Marcion’s Old Testament criticism. Also, we try to explore how Marcion organized his New Testament canon and how it related to her Old Tes-tament criticism. From this aspect, the study aims to show the influence of Marcion on modern critical studies in the context of post-Harnackian discusses. We also aim to contribute to the newly developing literature about Marcion in the Turkish-speaking world and to draw attention to his biblical theology in the academic field. This article consists of four-part. In first part, we tried to show how Harnack made Marcion a forerunner of modern biblical criticism and biblical theology. In this con-text, we have drawn attention to some features of Marcion’s biblical theology and textual criticism. And we discussed the main features of his theology which is centred on faith and salvation and we referred to some common grounds between Marcion's theology and modern biblical theology. In the second part, the philosophical and theological background of Marcion's criti-cism of the scriptures is tried to be shown. Accordingly, we discussed Marcion's dualis-tic faith in god. We emphasized the connection between his dualistic faith of god and his understanding of scripture. As various researchers realized before, Marcion used the distinction between the just god (the god of the Jews), namely Demiurge, and the good God as the basis for the distinction between the Old Testament and the New Testament. In the third part of the paper, Marcion’s Old Testament criticism is treated. We tried to show that she approached the Old Testament as a manifestation of the Jewish god. So we argued that Marcion did not approach the Old Testament books as a problem of the source. Because he was not concerned with whether the authenticity of the Old Testament books. His main purpose was to separate Christianity from Jewish origins. Perhaps this was the important feature that distinguished him from modern biblical critics. Also, in this part, we gave some concrete examples of Marcion's Old Testament criticism. In the final part, Marcion New Testament canon was addressed in the context of post-Harnack discussions. For this, firstly, we gave some essential pieces of informa-tion about Evangelion and Apostolikon which attributed to him. So, we tried to show that Marcion believed in the existence of an authentic Gospel. Secondly, we dealt with the connection of Marcion's canon with Luke. We discussed the connection of Marcion’s New Testament canon with the Gospel of Luke especially in the context of the views of post-Harnackian researchers such as E. C. Blackman, J. Knox, U. Schmidt, G. Quis-bel, M. Vinzent, S. Moll, D. Roth, J. Lieu, J. BeDuhn.
More...Komparacija Biblije i Kur’ana o pastiru koji je spasio Misir
Priča o Josifu u Starom zavjetu i kao u Kur’anu, prikazuje najznačajnija zbivanja i etape iz njegovog života. Izdan od braće, bačen u jamu, a potom izvučen iz nje da bi bio sramno prodan u tuđinu, Josif se svojom pravednošću i sposobnošću tumačenja snova izdiže iz dna. On koji je bio običan pastir i koji se držao vjere svojih otaca, Avrama, Isaka i svog oca Jakova, uspio je da bude uveliko poznat u Misiru. Od čobančeta a kasnije do desne ruke faraona, sprečava glad u čitavom Egiptu. On, koji je trebalo zauvijek da nestane, spasava braću, ali i čitavu mnogobrojnu porodicu od gladi, iskazujući svoj ljudski karakter praštanja i samilosti.
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Kad Nietzsche za nasIov svojeg spisa iz rujna 1888. godine, te posIjednje godine svoje duševne prisebnosti, odabere ime Antikrist, s podnaslovom Kletva na kršćanstvo (Der Antichrist: Fluch auf das Christentum), tad on nema u mislima Isusa iz Nazareta, nego prije svega i iznad svega Pavlova Krista, odnosno Pavla samog kao prikrivena Isusova protivnika, utemeljitelja historijskog, post-kristovskog, za Nietzschea upravo anti-kristovskog kršćanstva.
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Sunnah teaching of Islam, which was followed by the majority of the Muslim people in the Ottoman State, was the State ideology. Occasionally, there appeared groups and individuals who did not accept such a teaching, and influenced by the sufi tradition interpreted orthodox sunnism differently. But, the State very severely fought against all those who cherished such ideas and tried to limit their influence. Existence of such groups and individuals is witnessed by rich archives documents on the basis of which we can trace the area where and the time when such groups appeared, the charges under which they were sentenced, i.e. the notion of heresy as understood at the time. Husameddin Ankaravi’s disciple, Hamza Bali, after his sheikh’s death, leaves for Bosnia to serve and there he started leading the people. At the moment when more people gathered around him, the ulama there got upset by the influence that Hamza Bali had among the people, so that after their charges against the sheikh Hamza directed to Istanbul, he was called back to the capital, where he was tried. Under the fetwa of Sheikh ul Islam Ebussuud Effendi, which he issued relying on the fetva issued by Sheikh ul Islam Ibn Kamal. Hamza Bali was sentenced to detail in 969 H. (1 5 6 1 -6 2 A .D.). His followers referred to as the Hamzevis continued their activities even after Hamza Bali had been executed. In the Muhimme defters (registers) of the Ottoman Government's Archives in Turkey (Başbakanlık OsmanlI Arşivi), there are decisions relating to the Hamzevis from 1582; also, Amiki Mehmed in 1614 wrote a risala (a treatise on the Hamzevis) in which the charges against the Hamzevis and their heresy are identical with those found in the court documents.
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Review of: Orhan Jašić - Marinko Pejić, Kršćani u zemljama islama, Sinopsis, Zagreb, Sarajevo, 2019., str. 350
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Review of: Sigve K. Tonstad, God of Sense and Traditions of Non-Sense, Wipf & Stock, Eugene 2016.
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4 grudnia 2020 r. Papieska Rada dla Popierania Jedności Chrześcijan opublikowała liczący ok. 50 stron dokument pt. Biskup i jedność chrześcijan. Vademecum ekumeniczne. Ma on być przewodnikiem „w ekumenicznej drodze” biskupa wraz z jego diecezją. Vademecum bazuje na istniejących już dokumentach Kościoła katolickiego na temat ekumenizmu, ale wybiera z nich treści najbardziej praktyczne, uwzględniając najnowsze osiągnięcia ruchu ekumenicznego. Opisuje, jaka powinna być ekumeniczna postawa wiernych Kościoła katolickiego, których w tym zakresie powinna cechować prawda, miłość, pokora, cierpliwość i wytrwałość. Vademecum ukazuje, że biskup powinien być człowiekiem jedności, dialogu i kultury spotkania. Jego posługa jedności jest głęboko związana z synodalnością, gdyż zarówno synodalność, jak i ekumenizm są procesami wspólnej drogi. Dokument opisuje służące ekumenizmowi struktury Kościoła i sposoby działania: ekumenizm duchowy, dialog miłości, dialog prawdy i dialog życia, który zawiera w sobie ekumenizm duszpasterski, ekumenizm praktyczny i ekumenizm kulturowy. Vademecum przypomina dotychczasowe zasady communicatio in sacris, nic w nich nie zmieniając, choć przyjmuje perspektywę biskupa, i dlatego współuczestnictwo w życiu sakramentalnym pojmuje raczej jako część ekumenizmu duszpasterskiego niż aspekt ekumenizmu duchowego. Niezwykle cenną rzeczą Vademecum są jego zalecenia praktyczne, które w sposób prosty i konkretny przekładają wyłożoną wcześniej treść na język czynów. Do dokumentu dołączono niezwykle użyteczny aneks, który zawiera syntetyczny opis partnerów Kościoła katolickiego w ekumenicznym dialogu międzynarodowym. Vademecum jest tekstem na tyle praktycznym, że skorzystają z niego nie tylko biskupi; może stanowić pomoc dla wszystkich osób zaangażowanych w ekumenizm.
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