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The current article is devoted to the derivation of diminutives from the view of Language culture field. The norms of Latvian Standard require that the diminutive goes to declension determined by motivation noun (1st, 2nd, 4th, 5th declensions). There are two very productive diminutive suffixes -iņ- and -īt- that dominate in the derivation of diminutives, and both of them are used in making irregular diminutives. Some irregular diminutives have taken over the regular derivatives, while others may be used for stylistic purposes in order to highlight the connotational information of diminutive. Several irregular diminutives are used as terms. Only irregular diminutives, the use of which is neither semantically nor stylistically conditioned, are considered to be non-standard in the Latvian.
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This article analyzes the dialectal verbs related to the process of eating. The work aims to reveal and describe lexical singularities of Russian dialects in Udmurtia. The study includes the mapping and the linguo-geographical, lexical and word-formation analysis of dialectal verbs belonging to the theme group of nutrition. In addition, the paper provides examples of phonetic, word-formation and lexical dialectal maps constructed with the help of the linguo-geographical information system Dialect. The research reveals the areas and isoglosses of some dialectal phenomena in the area between the Kama and the Vyatka rivers, and outlines lexical and word-formation peculiarities of the Russian dialects of the Udmurt Republic.
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The article is devoted to a major mid-19th-century text in Chuvash, a translation of a sermon by Metropolitan Gregory (Postnikov) named "A day of a holy life, or an answer to the question of how I can live holy?". The author considers in detail the monument's writing system, which partly comes from “An inscription of the Chuvash language rules and a Dictionary, compiled for religious schools of the Kazan diocese” by V. P. Vishnevsky and partly is unique among those of old-written records in Chuvash. Analysing the phonological and morphological features of the text's language allows to establish that it's based on the Sundyr dialect of Chuvash, which falls in line together with the historical data on where were the priests, authors of the translation, from.
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The material the article is based on was collected by N.L. Fedotova in 2009-2010 in the Parabel village from two speakers of the Narym dialect of the Selkup language – Irina Anatolyevna Korobeynikova and Yakov Yakovlevitch Martynov. In 2009 a word-list of indigenous vocabulary and some paradigms were collected from both informants (the latter as much as they could remember, which they did with difficulty). In 2010 the full dictionary (about 2000 lexical items) was collected from I.A. Korobeynikova, who speaks the language somewhat better. The article presents the analysis of the vowels of the first syllable in the Narym dialect of the Selkup language on the basis of field recordings and their parallels in the Taz and Ket dialects. Qualitative oppositions in the vocalism system are described, using the results of the analysis in a phonetic software Praat, which gives to the transcriptions the base of formant analysis, not the one of the author's intuition. The results of the analysis allow to clarify the system of Selkup bases cited in [Alatalo 2004] and reconstruct four additional Protoselkup phonemes — *e, *ä, *y, *˱i. It is shown that specific Taz phonemes е — е (broad) и ε (lax) — and two i — i (broad) and i͔ (regular) can be recounstructed for the Proto-Selkup language and, as such, should be accounted for during the analysis of the development from Proto-Samoyed system to the Proto-Selkup one.
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The article deals with the rhythmic peculiarities of B.L. Pasternak’s poetic language, which form an original rhythmometric organization of the poet’s works. Particular rhythmic phenomena called “melismas” are described. Their nature and functions are defined.
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The article deals with the narrator’s verbal expression in the novel “Malina” by the Austrian writer Ingeborg Bachmann. The syntactic, phonological, lexical and thematic levels of the text are studied. It is shown that the changes in the narrator’s verbal appearance are determined by the introduction of intermedial elements from the musical sphere in the narrative. Such synthesis of the two kinds of art has its own features. The rhythmical component of the verbal text is an important sound characteristic of the analyzed extract. Numerous techniques used for the complete assimilation of the musical component in the novel are found, which makes it possible to talk about the character’s “new” language and the author’s original style.
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Latvian has different types of reflexive markers – the light form – a verbal affix, the heavy form and superheavy form, which are usually pronominal. In Standard Latvian the light reflexive marker is expressed by the final -s in verbal finite and non-finite forms. In Latvian subdialects, in prefixed verbs the light reflexive marker stands between the prefix and the root, e.g., sa-sa¬-runāt ‘to speak’ (Standard Latvian sarunāties) in Couronian subdialects of the Middle Dialect, na-sa-klauseit ‘not to listen’ (Standard Latvian neklausīties) in the High Latvian Dialect. The light marker can occur twice – the element -sa- between the prefix and the root as well as the final s: pa-sa-priecātie-s ‘to be happy’ (Standard Latvian papriecāties), ap-sa-rauduotī-s ‘to start crying’ (Standard Latvian apraudāties’). Heavy reflexive markers in Latvian are attested in the form of the reflexive pronoun sevi (ACC) or sev (DAT): es neieredzu sevi ‘I hate myself’, es nopirku sev grāmatu ‘I bought myself a book’. Superheavy reflexive markers in Latvian take the form of a cluster of two pronominals – the emphatic pronoun pats/pati (NOM) + reflexive pronoun sevi (ACC) or sev (DAT): es neieredzu pats sevi / sevi pats ‘I hate myself (male speaker)’, es nopirku pati sev / sev pati grāmatu ‘I bought myself a book (female speaker)’. Examples with pašu (ACC) and pašam, pašai (DAT) in the cluster of pronominals also attested.
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The current paper is devoted to the analysis of relations between grammaticalization and morphologization. In spite of grammaticalization one-direction development argued by Heine etc., there are some theories of furcation or reflexive processes in modern linguistics. These are lexicalization and morphologization theories. The main conclusions are the following:1 Depending on grammaticalization and morphologization the development of the language system can be interpreted either mutually subordinate processes, or two independent processes. Morphologization is one of the grammaticalization stages on the first case, final stage of the language development on the second case.2 If the furcation or reflexive processes of language system development are taken into account than all manifestations can be treated as part of grammaticalization.
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The article postulates the need of new studies of texts (which had previously been characterized as "Polish" or "mixed") produced in the fifteenth century in Silesia region, at the same time placing the problem in a European context. The author points out a number of problems posed by such old and difficult to interpret material (their linguistic specificity may have be caused by a bilingual scribe or the language used in medieval Silesia), such as the multilayered structure of the medieval text, the close relationship between Czech and Polish language systems, and difficulties in establishing the relationship between writing and phonetics, etc.
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As part of this paper we want to question the possible link between prosody and linguistic realization of irony. In other words, we want to determine if the speaker who utters an ironic statement transmits prosodic signals to allow his interlocutor to recognize the irony. Indeed, in the literature on the subject, many authors believe that, in some contexts, prosody is the only indication of the interlocutor’s recognition of irony (Eggs, 2009 for ex.). Some researchers even speak of intonation peculiar to irony (Fonagy, 1991). The existence of this specific intonation, however, has never been demonstrated, as no real consensus exists on the subject in the literature. Thus, Bryant and Tree (2005) showed that only rhythmic aspects play a major role in the production of an ironic statement. According to these, a slower speed would be the only prosodic feature associated with irony. To verify or refute these assumptions and assess the nature of the relationship that may exist between prosody and linguistic realization of irony, we intend to base our argument on an experiment conducted on a group of speakers we asked to read a statement categorized as ironic, then we asked them to read the same statement categorized as neutral.
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There is still no scholarly consensus about the origin of the Balto-Slavic intonations. The traditional view is that all long vowels and diphthongs receive the acute in Balto-Slavic, while short vowels and diphthongs are circumflexed. On the other hand, according to the Leiden school, the only source of the Balto-Slavic acute is the glottal stop, which is either a reflex of the PIE laryngeals, or of the following glottalized stops (traditional voiced stops) in syllables that underwent Winter’s law. We believe that the traditional view that PIE lengthened grade vowels receive the acute in Balto-Slavic can no longer be defended. It is contradicted by such examples as PIE *dhughtēr ‘daughter’ > Lith. dukth, PIE *(H)rēk-s-o-m ‘I said’ > Croat. rijêh, PIE *hōwyom ‘egg’ > Croat. jâje. It should also be taken as proved that syllables closed by laryngeals and voiced stops (or glottalics, by Winter’s law) received the acute intonation in Balto-Slavic. However, the fact that the PIE lengthened grade long vowels are circumflex in Balto-Slavic does not prove that all lenghtened grade long vowels in Balto-Slavic are circumflex. In the present paper we attempt to show that a number of Vrddhi formations, that were not inherited from PIE, received the acute in Balto-Slavic. These are the words with reflexes in both Baltic and Slavic languages, derived from PIE roots by means of Vrddhi, which remained a productive pattern of derivation during the period of Balto-Slavic unity, and probably later. Such words have the lengthened grade only in Balto-Slavic, but not in other IE languages, which shows that their Vrddhi is not inherited from PIE. This paper systematically analyzes such material in order to show that the Balto-Slavic Vrddhi formations, in contradistinction to the inherited PIE long vowels, received the acute intonation.
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The paper concerns the relationship between the category of chance in the arts, metaphysics and the sciences, such as mathematics. The chance is here understood as an event whose causes cannot be determined, which is beyond all rule, the quintessence of uncertainty and irrationality long time presented in the metaphysical considerations as the opposition of the rational and predictable. Predictability was the regulative idea of the actions both within the science and the art, whose center was the knowledge of the principles and the rules. Both the art of the chance and the science of chance were seen as a contradiction in terms. The problem of chance became a subject of study of the science in the seventeenth century. But although the origins of the “mathematization” of the chance date back to the seventeenth century, its rational grounding occurred only in the three decades of the last century. In the early twentieth century, chance was still associated with the irrational. Due to this particular association, it became attractive for artists. The first kind of art (or rather anti-art) which turned the chance into a tool was Dadaism. For Dadaists, the art did not consist in producing things according to the accepted rules or any of its previous perspectives, but in recording whatever chance suggested to the artist. The introduction of the new category of chance to the world of art by Dadaism led to the reformulation of the understanding of art in the second half of the 20th century.
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The notion of accentually determined dual Greek reflexes of PIE CRHC sequences, now well supported by Rix 1976, Rico (several publications) and even (spasmodically) by Beekes 2010, is matched in a new way with a version of Clackson’s 1994 dual Armenian reflexes of the same PIE sequences that has been made more secure by a suggestion of Olsen’s 1999. An unpublished rule for Greek by Francis 1970 is shown to be essentially a special case of the foregoing and alleged counterexamples are found to be similarly accentually determined. The slightly improved notion of the closeness of Armenian and Greek thus achieved becomes the basis for a new explanation of the origin of Greek αὐχήν.
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The process of teaching oral skills in German should include the practice of reading aloud. One of the important aspects of this process, requiring special attention, is the use of correct intonation. Practising reading aloud aims at developing listening skills, imitation and individual vocal interpretation of written texts.
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The paper deals with the so-called un ou deux phonèmes? problem in Modern Polish. The framework adopted by the author is the theory and methodology of Axiomatic Functionalism, i.e., a functional semiotic approach developed by Jan W. F. Mulder in association with Sándor G. J. Hervey which is mainly based on linguistic ideas of André Martinet. The analysis focuses on the phonological interpretation of sequences of palatalized labials and [j], nasal diphthongs, and affricates in Polish. The author argues that nasal diphthongs and palatal and retroflex affricates should be interpreted monophonematically, whereas it is both adequate and economical to interpret sequences of palatalized labials and [j] and alveolar affricates as realizations of sequences of two separate phonemes.
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The sentence cited in the title begins the novel Zazdrość i medycyna (Jealousy and Medicine) by Michał Choromański, which was published in 1933. This paper aims at demonstrating that this initial statement can be considered a model one, that is a very good beginning to an epic work. Having studied the characteristics desired in an initial sentence (enumerated in both theoretical studies and style guides) and carried out stylistic and semantic analysis, the author found M. Choromański’s statement a model one. The contributing elements are as follows: 1. euphonic (the melody of the sentence manifested in a clear caesura nearly exactly in the middle in terms of the number of syllables and in classical proportions between vowels and consonants); 2. syntactic (word order and the related distribution of individual parts of the sentence, dynamism of the statement); 3. semantic (introducing the reader to the centre of extraordinary events, drawing their attention and enforcing their refl ection); 4. graphic (isolating the initial statement in a paragraph). Only the lexis of the examined sentence remains neutral.
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Different functional styles of the standard language are used in everyday linguistic practice. They higher use is the administrative functional style, and by nature of the matter, the least used is the literary mainly used by writers when creating the literary works, which makes it the style that is farthest from the linguistic standards. In contrast to this situation and the needs in practice, in our schools, especially is secondary education, the most attention in written statements is paid exactly to the very style that is rarely used by anyone else but by the writers. In this paper, through several examples, we warn about this problem, concluding that appropriate attention should be given to the stylistic register of a standard language as a whole, especially to those parts that are of practical importance, such as administrative writing, at all levels of studying the standard language, because without this knowledge, there cannot be nourished culture of speech applicable in practice.
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In connection with the key issue in Thracian phonetics of the graphic variants with alternation of voiceless and voiceless aspirated plosive consonant and variants with alternation of voiced and voiceless consonant different kind of Thracian names have been examined in the paper: hydronyms (Ἄèсõò/ Iatrus/ Ieterus, Ἀèэсáò/ Atyras, Иéáгüëá/ Tiagula, Pathissus/ Parthiscus/ Πáсôßσêον, ФÝáсοò/ ИÝáéсοò, Utus/ Uthis, Timachus/ Timacum, *Óáëäοâõσσοò/ *Óáëôοâõσσοò, Pingus/ Pincus etc.); personal names (like Áěáäοêοò/ Amadochus, Áõëοõêåνèοò/ Aulucentus, Dentis/ Дåνèéò, Danda/ Дáνôù, Еπôησõ÷οò/ Еπôησõêοò, Еπôáêåνèοò/ Eftecentus, Zimarcus/ Жéěáс÷οò, Жåéπáò/ Жåéâáò, Кåôсéποсéò/ Кåäсéποëéò, ÓéôЬëêηò/ Sithalcus, Óπáсôáêοò/ Sparticus/ Óπáсôõ÷οò); settlement names (Ἀсгßäáõá/ Arcidava, Дßåсνá/ Tierna, Кэшåëá/ Chympsala, Мηêэâåсνá/ Мηêэπåсνá, Sparton/ Sparthon, ФЬсáνôοò/ ДЬсáνäοò, Фüěοé/ Thomi); tribal names (Всэгåò/ Всэêåò, Дüëοгêοé/ Dolongi, Ксησôῶνåò/ Γсáσôῶνåò, Фсáõσοß/ Thrausi); god epitheta (Кåνäсåéσοò, Кåνäсåéσåéá/ Кåνôсåéσåéá) etc. The usual explanation of this phenomenon is that it was due to the shifting of consonants in the Thracian language. The following view is substantiated in the paper: The occurrence of names with the variants aspirated/non-aspirated consonants was territorially spread from Dacia, Moesia and Scythia Minor (Pathissus, Ἄèсõò, Thomi, Amadochus) to the Propontis, the Aegean Sea and the islands (Ἀèэсáò, ἈèсõÀëáôοò). Consequently, this variation is not due to the different presence of the Indo-European consonant in two different languages or dialects. A look at the variation of aspirated/non-aspirated consonant shows that some forms with aspirated consonants are earlier than those with non-aspirated ones, as in Ἄèсõò and Timachus, whereas in others they are later (Amadochus, Breierophara, Sithalcus, Óπáсôõ÷οò); in a third category it is not possible to determine a chronological difference (Еπôησõ÷οò, Жéěáс÷οò). Hence, the phenomenon was not a result of any internal linguistic evolution either. In the light of these facts a more appropriate explanation of the cited graphic variants can be the following: the voiceless plosive consonants in Thracian, due to their different pronunciation compared to the Greek sounds (probably more tense), were also rendered by means of Greek aspirated consonants, which was possible because such consonants were absent in Thracian. There is also the possibility of dual use of the Greek aspirated consonants: on the one hand, for voiceless plosives, and on the other – for spirants. The rendering of a dental spirant can possibly be assumed for some rare cases of è/ σ alternation as in Дåνèåëῆôáé/ Denseletae, Жâåëèοõсäοò/ Жâåëσοõсäοò and Óåэèáò with the form of the genitive variant Óηõσá. In variants of names rendered in some cases by means of a voiced and in other cases – by a voiceless consonant, the explanation should probably be sought again in the imprecise correspondence between the Thracian and Greek or Latin voiced consonants, that is why voiceless consonants were also used in some cases for the graphic rendering of the Thracian ones. The examples of double writing with voiced and voiceless consonant are much fewer than those of alternation of voiceless and voiceless aspirated ones, which might be assumed as an indirect confirmation of the idea of absence of aspirated voiceless consonants in Thracian. I believe that for this reason the Greek aspirated consonants may have also been used to render simple voiceless consonants, whereas the presence of voiceless consonants limited the double transcriptions of the voiced consonants, in spite of their different (softer) pronunciation compared to the respective Greek sounds.
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