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The article presents two seemingly opposite categories that can be used to describe the poetry of Wacław Rolicz-Lieder (1866–1912): its“untimeliness” – anachronism, and its “modernity” – thematic and artistic novelty. Special emphasis was put on the strategies of Lieder’s debut, i.e. his publishing of volumes Poezje I (1889) and Poezje II (1891), which went unnoticed. In the face of the objective lack of a well-disposed group of peers, poets or critics, the strategies of artistic performance as chosen by the poet isolated him, in effect, from the reader. The above mentioned questions are presented in the context of historical poetics and sociology of literature, especially Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of literary feld and his book The Rules of Art.
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Occasional poetry is one of the assets of provincial weeklies. “Tydzień”, published between 1873–1906 in Piotrków, was a particularly rich source of occasional poems. Its contributors included Faustyn Świderski and the Warsaw-based judge Tytus Chyliczkowski (1834–1894). The latter’s poetry, rooted in the positivist axiology, also displays certain characteristics of the Biedermeier period in that its hows the daily life of men freed from patriotic duty. Apparently, Chyliczkowski’s published literary output is only a fraction of what he left behind in the form of handwritten poems. Of note are Chyliczkowski’s elegies, epitaphs, and epicedia commemorating deceased people of Piotrków, from famous ones (the Stronczyński brothers) to prematurely perishing children. Te funeralia, aimed both as memoirs and as condolences, are consolatory in tone, hoping for “eschatological well-being” and posthumous contentment.
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Looking at Stanisław Fita’s historical literary output, one will not make a mistake of stating that Bolesław Prus was certainly the most important research area for the Professor. He was also a tool Fita used to study the nineteenth century. Considering the vast complex of themes evoked by Prus’sworks, he sensitized him to phenomena most important to the Polish culture and social life in the nineteenth and, perhaps, the twentieth century.
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Seit es durch die Untersuchungen der Metapher klar und allgemein anerkannt wurde, daß die Metapher keine Erscheinung ist, die in den Grenzen eines einzigen Wortes erklärt werden kann, ist es theoretisch möglich, größere Textabschnitte oder ganze Texte metaphorisch zu interpretieren. Solche Interpretationsversuche sind trotzdem selten, obwohl ein solches Verfahren nicht nur für die Textinterpretation, sondern auch für die Metapherforschung fruchtbar sein könnte. Wie kann aber ein einziger Text metaphorisch interpretiert werden, wenn die Metapher eine Identifizierung zwei verschiedener Sachen ist und folglich zwei verschiedene Sachen voraussetzt? Ich sehe zwei theoretische Möglichkeiten. 1. Der Text ist die erste Sache, die zweite muß sich anderswo finden. Diese Erscheinung wäre in Zusammenhang mit der Metapher nicht überraschend, und auf Grund der Interaktionstheorie müßte eine solche Auffassung nicht bedeuten, daß der Text in Stelle eines - etwa diskursiven - Inhalts dasteht. 2. Man kann beide Elemente und vielleicht auch die Geste der Identifikation im Text selbst auffinden. Ich glaube, daß beide Möglichkeiten mit Nutzen ausgearbeitet werden können; ich werde mich im folgenden nur mit der zweiten - am Beispiel eines Textes, der die zwei Elemente und die Geste der Identifikation offensichtlich innehat - beschäftigen.
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The transformation of the political system, which took place in Poland at the turn of the 1980s and1990s, was accompanied with profound changes not only in economic and political rules, but also in social life.The author assumes that the transformational potential of the artistic practice — in particular that of the Polish socially engaged art of the time, i.e. artists of the critical art movement — could be used to profile social and economic changes, especially in light of the fact that art provided a reflection of the then dominating feeling of atomisation of the political space.The present analysis refers to a specific parallel between the mechanisms of power and artistic strategies. What is also emphasised is the political power assumed by artistic practices — manipulative skills, operational efficiency and techniques used by artists to influence the audience.The question is why the transformational potential of the Polish art has not been fully exploited in the last decades.
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This article represents the second part of a study that explores the way Athanasius of Alexandria’s anti-Arian motifs were appropriated in the Old Slavonic tradition. While the first part focused on Athanasius’ Life of Antony, the present discussion considers the reception of his main anti-Arian work Orations against the Arians, and most of the attention is given to such issues as why it was translated and how it was used in the polemical context of the so-called heresy of the Judaizers in medieval Russia. For this purpose, two particular writers are considered (Iosif Volotskij and metropolitan Daniil), and the question of which of the existing manuscripts they used is also discussed. The article interacts with the views of Prof. Pirinka Penkova in her recently published critical editions of the second and third Orations, and also explores the reception of Athanasius’ anti-Arian motifs in the True Books Indices.
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The socage regulation of Maria Theresa (1767-1774) raised the relationship between landlords and villeins from the sphere of civil law to the competence of public law and at the same time it formulated exactly the socage services of the peasants which depended on the size and on the quality of the lands they held. The lands held in villeinage was a basic economic unit in the Hungarian Kingdom the size of which determined the amount of tax and socage services of the villein. This system of taxation and socage services was unknown in countries to the East of Hungary and in the Balkans. The commitments and obligations of the villeins working on a whole unit of land were detailed in the socage tenure regulations, whereas the villeins working only on a part of a unit of land were ordered to provide their services according to proportion. The commitments and obligations of the villeins and the serfs in the socage tenure system were listed by name in the so-called Tabella [Table], attached to the socage tenure regulations. During the process of regulating the socage tenure system, the settlements under subjection to landlords were given uniform socage tenure regulations all over the country, and it was the task of the county-level officials responsible for the enforcement of the socage tenure regulation to register the local data into these documents.
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The present article outlines the history of the prohibition, in the medieval Slavonic tradition, which forbade the Orthodox believers to contract marriages with the “Latins”. The article traces the main cases of the appearance of this prohibition in the Slavonic sources, primarily canon and civil law codes, starting from the eleventh century in Kievan Rus’ to the sixteenth century in the Balkans. The form of the prohibition as found in the Syntagma of Matthew Blastares and related legal codes (legislation of Stefan Dušan and the Epitimian Nomocanon) is discussed in especial detail. The Slavonic translation of Blastares’ Syntagma was the main channel through which the opinion of Theodore Balsamon on marriages with Latins entered the legal corpus of the Orthodox Slavs. In the texts analysed it was recommended that the Latins be treated as a heterodox group of a particular nature.
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The Russian fairy tale has endured centuries of evolution. It was part of an oral tradition and as such, none of its details were static. A single story was told by generations of storytellers over a period of centuries. In this way, the tale is layered with beliefs and customs from many periods reaching far back to the pre-Christian, matriarchal times. While weakness and submissiveness are the preferred qualities of Russian folk heroines, many tales portray women of strength. The introduction of Christianity to 10th-century Russia extinguished there a strong matriarchal tradition. Matriarchal cultures are traditionally linked with mysticism and magic. Given the hypothesis of an early Russian matriarchy, the paper traces magical figures like Baba Yaga and her sisters back to a time when there was no need to portray them as evil. It is only after the priests come that she was cast out and labeled evil. The Russian fairy tale may appear to be vague, repetitious and hard on women, yet when these qualities are added together a magical transformation occurs that brings out lively and simplistically beautiful images that give the tales that special Russian flavour.
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The article compares the arguments in defence of images in The Stone of Faith by Metropolitan Stefan Javorskij (1658-1722), a prominent Russian prelate of the late 17th-early 18th century, and in the Apologetic Treatises Against Those Who Calumniate the Divine Images (Apologies), by St. John of Damascus (675?-ca. 754) to see how the work of St. John of Damascus, an 8th-century theologian, was used almost exactly one thousand years later in the Orthodox-Protestant polemics. The Stone of Faith by Stefan Javorskij was written as a reaction to the Protestant influences challenging Russia during the reign of Peter the First (1672-1725). In some places Javorskij inserted large passages from the Apologies indicating a reference; in others he borrowed the argument expressing it in his own manner. The scope of this study will be limited to an attempt to highlight to what extent the response of Stefan Javorskij is similar to the theological methods of St. John of Damascus. The difference of the two approaches indicates the extent to which the Orthodox theology changed over the centuries.
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The aim of the article is to define the genre of Karamzin’s epistle and to point out its characteristics. The Karamzinian “mirror-metaphor” becomes distinct in the epistle. This metaphor depicts the peculiarities of relationship between European and Russian cultures. This is the metaphor of the so-called “empathic understanding” (Bakhtin) and watching yourself through someone else’s eyes. Letters describe the homogeneous European culture through various aspects: duality of space and time (the interrelated chronotopoi of “home” and “way”); the synthesis of public and personal (addressing not only friends, but readers also); the everyday life and the historical aspect; the simultaneity of the constructive elements of written and spoken language. Furthermore, it reflects the combination of the the conversation of the highly educated Russians of the late 18th century and extreme richness of the Russian language. This is a result of an orientation towards the contemporary Western European linguistic situation, which creates a new style of literary writing. Those ideas and tendencies appear for the first time in the epistle. Later it becomes the essence of Karamzin’s art, and influences the future literature and culture.
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In den Provinzen an der mittleren Donau kommt Savaria eine besondere Stellung zu, weil wir seit langem wissen, daß dort die Institution der Kaiserkultes in Pannonia Superior errichtet wurde. In anderen Provinzen ist der Sitz der Institution nur zu vermuten. In Savaria kennen wir auch den Ort des Kultzentrums innerhalb der Struktur der colonia. Aus der Untersuchung der Inschriften der Priester des Kaiserkults in der Studie stellt sich heraus: der sacerdos arae Augustorum Pannonia superioris wird der Bürger gewesen sein, der mindestens in der Stadt duumvir oder in zwei Städten decurio war. Aufgrund der die colonia Savaria umgebenden Gräberfelder und kultischen Funde sowie der Fundstelle von Inschriften im Zusammenhang mit dem Kaiserkult konnte in der Stadtstruktur der Ort des Provinzialforums bestimmt werden. Von Norden, Süden und Osten umgeben Bestattungen die colonia. Im Westen wird die Stadt vom Savaria- (heute: Perint-) Bach begrenzt. In dem großen Gebiet zwischen dem Bach und den Hügeln im Westen gibt es keine Bestattungen. Am W-Rand dieses etwa 500×300 m großen Gebiets stand das Theater, das ebenfalls ein unausbleibliches Gebäude der Provinzialforen war. In diesem Gebiet fanden sich die Inschriften, die den Ort des Kaiserkults beweisen, und dort befanden sich auch die sakralen Denkmäler, die mit der sakralen Bestimmung des Gebietes in Zusammenhang zu bringen sind. Am O-Ende des Provinzialforums wurden 39 Pfeiler gefunden.
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Im Malomdűlő von Páty (Kom. Pest) wurde 1997–1998 auf beiden Seiten der Autobahn M1 ein Gräberfeld mit mehreren hundert Gräbern freigelegt. Dort befanden sich am Hügelabhang westlich des Fűzes patak eine bronzezeitliche, eine keltisch-römische und eine bereits umgepflügte awarische bzw. arpadenzeitliche Siedlung. Bei der Freilegung des Geländes wurde auf dem Hügel auch das zur Siedlung gehörige Gräberfeld gefunden. Von den etwa 910 freigelegten Gräbern lassen sich ca. 50 in die spätrömische Periode und 12 ins 5. Jahrhundert datieren. Nördlich der Autobahn M1, am NW-Rand des römischen Gräberfeldes, kamen in einer selbständigen Grabgruppe 12 Gräber ans Licht, unter ihnen kein einziges mit römischer Technik errichtetes Ziegel- oder Steinkistengrab, sondern sämtlich Erdgräber. Mehrheitlich waren sie weit tiefer gegraben als die spätrömischen Gräber. Auch ihre Orientierung unterschied sich von diesen. Während letztere N-S gerichtet waren, wurden die Mitglieder der selbständigen Gruppe in W-ORichtung bestattet. Ihre Beigaben vertreten einen neuen Typ, es sind anderswo im spätrömischen Gräberfeld von Páty nicht vorkommende Glasgefäße bzw. Schmuck. Mehr als die Hälfte der Gräber waren beraubt. Mehrheitlich waren es Frauen- und Kindergräber, nur zwei waren Männergräber (562, 563), beide ohne Beigaben. Nur vier von den 12 Gräbern enthielten Beigaben, zwei Frauen- und zwei Kindergräber. Die Kindergräber waren die reichsten (554, 558). Beide Kinder hatten einen Gürtel mit Silberschnalle, darauf ein Eisenmesser bzw. bei einem eine Tasche mit Feuergarnitur. Ihre Stiefel wurden durch Riemen mit Silberschnallen geschlossen, und beiden war ein Glasgefäß beigegeben.
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The palaeolithic site Tata dated to the oxygen isotopic stage 5 is famous for its very strange lithic assemblage, most of which are smaller than 30 mm. Other OIS 5 sites in Central Europe have yielded microlithic assemblages which are not always related to the specific raw material conditions. The technological analysis of the cores provides new patterns about the technological choice for flaking, which seems to belong to a specific tradition.This hypothesis could be confirmed by the comparative studies of several Middle European microlithic assemblages from OIS 11 to 4–3.
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Der Fundort befindet sich in der SO-Region der canabae, in unmittelbar südlicher Nachbarschaft des Amphitheaters, östlich von der einstigen Limesstraße (Abb. 1.1; 2.1). Im N-Streifen des sehr ausgedehnten Geländes zog sich die in O–W- und dann N–S-Richtung zum SEingang des Amphitheaters führende, von Gräben eingefaßte Straße hin. In der SW-Zone befanden sich verschieden orientierte Gräben, Brunnen, Pfostenlochreihen unsicherer Funktion und kleinere Abfallgruben. Östlich davon waren – im S- und Mittelteil des Ausgrabungsgeländes – drei als größere Grubenhäuser bestimmte Eingrabungen zu beobachten. Nach Überschreiten eines östlich davon gelegenen 80 cm breiten und 50 cm tiefen V-förmigen, NO–SW orientierten Grabens (Abb. 3.7; 6.1) folgt die ca. 200 m2 große Zone, mit deren Funktion und Chronologie sich der Artikel beschäftigt (Abb. 3). Hier zeigten drei Töpferöfen mit großer Menge von Keramikmaterial und eine – aufgrund der stark tonigen Auffüllung in der Farbe des Materials halbfertiger Keramik – als Absetzgrube bestimmte Eingrabung die Spuren der Töpfertätigkeit.
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Die Studie berichtet von der Ausgrabung der Kirche des untergegangenen mittelalterlichen Dorfes Henye in der Gemarkung von Tamási im Kom. Tolna, östlich der Stadt, an der Hauptverkehrsstraße 61. Von der mittelalterlichen Geschichte der Siedlung wissen wir kaum mehr als über die ihren adeligen Beinamen nach dem Dorf erhaltende gemeinadelige Familie Henyei Tiburc, deren Mitglieder in der Beamtenschaft des Kom. Tolna vom Ende des 14. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts mehrfach auftauchen; die Kirchgemeinde des Dorfes erwähnt im Mittelalter einzig die Pápaer Zehntliste von 1332–35. Henye war mit kürzeren Unterbrechungen bis zum Ende der Türkenbesetzung bewohnt. Ein geringer Überrest seiner Kirche war am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts noch sichtbar. Die Verdichtung von im spätmittelalterlichen Fundmaterial an der Stelle der Siedlung vorkommenden Stücken, die als Ausnahmen in der Keramik der Umgebung gelten können (Boden eines kleinen Topfes aus weißem Material; dicker, grauer Topfrand aus Graphitmaterial; gegliederter Rand eines großen Topfes; zwei Ecken einer schalenförmigen Ofenkachel; zwei rotbemalte Krugfragmente), kann mit dem Gutszentrum der besagten Adelsfamilie in Zusammenhang gebracht werden. Ebenfalls als Seltenheit gilt eine 8,5 cm lange, aus Kupferblech gebogene spätmittelalterliche Buchspange und ein quadratisches Kupferblech mit gepreßter Verzierung, das ein Kleider-, Jungfernkranz- oder -gürtelschmuck sein konnte.
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This study is the edited version of the inaugural lecture presented at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 21st of March 2002 by Miklós Szabó. Its main objective is the presentation of processes unfolding as a result of the encounter of the Roman civilisation and the Celtic culture, based on the history and archaeological heritage of the Aeduan tribe of Central France. The analysis is based on, to a large extent, the evidences of the Mont-Beuvray European Archaeological project. The expedition of the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest joined these excavations since 1988. The Hungarian investigations were directed at, in the beginning, the main road of the oppidum and resulted the unexpected observation that this important axis determining the structure of the town Bibracte originated in the period 120 to 80 B.C. At the same time, the archaeological material also testified that intensive trade relations between the Aeduan capital and the republican Rome preceded essentially the time of Caesar. As a direct consequence of these contacts, Central Gallia attained a stage of real monetary economy instead of the so-called tribal monetary system. The use of the Greek alphabet was spread simultaneously. The settlement history of the locality following the Roman conquest was enriched by the Hungarian excavations with data on the insula containing the “Large Forge”. During these works, the first public building of Bibracte was discovered in 2001, erected in all probability between 50 and 30 B.C. Finally, one of the most important conclusions of the study is separating the Romanisation phase of the urban development in Bibracte from that of the developments encountered during the period of the Celtic independence. This recognition is in good accordance with the view stating that urbanisation in the Celtic world was prepared by the economical changes originating from the Italo-Celtic environment in the 3rd century B.C., the acceleration of which could be influenced by new type contacts with the Hellenistic world.
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In the spring of 1967, at the village Köröstarján (Tărian), lying close to the western border of Romania, in the vicinity of the town Nagyvárad (Oradea) on the right bank of the river Sebes-Körös graves were found during the extraction of sand pits on the hill called Csordásdomb (Fig. 1). Rescue excavations were started in April of the same year by N. Chiodosan and D. Ignat, who opened altogether 41 graves. Apart from graves dated to Celtic, Sarmatian and uncertain periods, there were 12 Hungarian burials of 10–11th centuries (Fig. 2). The former 10–11th century cemetery must have contained much more graves as the excavations could not delimit the extent of the cemetery in any directions. The documentation concerning the excavations remained also in a deficient state. Thus it is very difficult to draw conclusions on the order of the burials. The graves were oriented, with minor divergences, to the west, with the exception of grave No. 29 oriented with the head facing south. Several of the graves were disturbed in the remote past. Horse harness was found in two graves (21, 29) and remains of a horse skull in one (this latter was a robbed grave, see Fig. 3/7). In grave No. 21 (Fig. 3/5) an arrowhead made of iron was found. This was the only grave with arms among the grave-goods. On the basis of the finds, all of the graves could be dated to the 10th century with one exception. Probably they started to use the cemetery before the middle of the 10th century and it was continued in this function till the end of the century. The only exception is one skull buried separately dated by a denar of Ist (Saint) László, King of Hungary in 1077–1096 (Fig. 3/2). According to the opinion of the author, this skull was dug into the already long forsaken cemetery by the end of the 11th century
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