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Only a few days ago, we witnessed a most intriguing phenomenon in the National Council of the Slovak Republic. At final voting "two" anthems were heard - both were sung in the same language, the melodies and lyrics were identical, they were even performed in much the same fashion, although in the first case, the style was more pathetic as opposed to the second one, which was more solemn. On hearing the first version of the anthem, the majority of the MPs of the Slovak Parliament remained seated, despite the state flags that were pinned up by the MPs in the session hall. On hearing the second version, the first and less numerous group of the MPs of the Slovak Parliament was not present in the session hall. I believe that what happened, confirmed, once again, a very straightforward signal about what was happening and what we had all perceived before the signal was sent out. However, some of us were reluctant to perceive it and some even underestimated its implications. To be specific - Slovak politics, Slovak intelligentsia and to a considerable degree, even society per se, are much too fragmented, very different belief systems exist, and because of that, visions of the future of the Slovak Republic vary dramatically. Indeed, the competition of political entities in Slovakia is unlike conventional competition, which is common in well-established democracies. For instance, in the Benelux States, the so-called consensual politics enjoys a rich tradition. In the Scandinavian countries, it is not uncommon to have minority governments rule the country. In the USA, George W. Bush Jr. has approached the representatives of his political rival to join his Government. In Germany, the social-democratic Government has passed restrictive laws in the social area, backed by their conservative opponents.
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Beside the geographical location, economic and defence potential, position in the system of international relations and the quality of diplomatic service of a country, the character of its internal political development also belongs to those factors, which influence the foreign policy of a country. The relationship of a country with another ones, its co-operation with neighbouring countries, its participation in international organizations and groupings of countries depend on the type of its political regime, way of functioning of its institutions, level of political stability and the quality of its legislation and actual configuration of political forces. The importance of the interrelation of the internal and foreign policy of a country was proved during the short history of Slovakia in the nineties. The memberships in European and Trans Atlantic economic and defence groupings, including the OECD, were declared a priority in the field of foreign policy by all the Slovak governments until now. However, the progress of Slovakia in the integrational process has significantly slowed down mainly because of internal political reasons during 1994 - 1998. As a result of democratic deficits and sharp internal political confrontation, which led to institutional instability, Slovakia was not accepted into the NATO in the first round of its enlargement, and it does not get also into the first group of associate members with which the EU started discussion about membership issues. The negotiations with the OECD about the membership in this grouping of the economic most developed countries of the world finished without any positive result for the former government.
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The Law on Local Self-Government was adopted in December 2007 and is one of the four basic laws which regulate the legal framework of local self-government. Considering that the innovations introduced by the 2006 Constitution are not so numerous, the process of harmonising the Law on Local Self-Government with the constitutional changes was not difficult. The legislator used this opportunity to additionally modify some provisions, and practice will show whether all the new solutions have been successfully implemented. The most significant innovation introduced by this Law and based on the new Constitution is that the local self-government units have their own property and that it is managed independently by their respective bodies, which, as mentioned above, still awaits implementation.
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The “Putin consensus” Explained (by Vyacheslav Glazychev, pp.9-14) The School of Consensus and the War of the Majority (by Modest Kolerov, pp. 15-20) An Ideological Self-Portrait of the Russian Regime (by Leonid Polyakov, pp. 21-24)
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Authoritarian Modernization of Russia in the 2000s (Olga Kryshtanovskaya, pp. 27-34) A Bit of Luck: The Development of the Political System in Russia (by Aleksey Chesnakov, pp. 35-40) Has the Economic Crisis Changed the World View of the Russian Political Class? (by Valery Fadeev, pp. 41-46) Dilemmas of Russia’s Modernization (by Vladislav Inozemtsev, pp. 47-51)
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Ve srovnání s českou byla slovenská předúnorová emigrace početnější a zejmé- na čilejší, aktivnější. Početná emigrace s řadou vyšších funkcionářů bývalého slovenského státu vytvářela příznivé podmínky pro organizaci. Vzniklo jich několik, nejen politické povahy, a to v několika státech evropských i amerických. Některé brzy zanikaly, trpěly nedostatkem aktivních členů a stoupenců, nebo je postihl odchod emigrantů do jiných zemí. Slovenský předúnorový exil postihl jev běžný pro každý exilový život – vnitřní rozpory. Charakteristické pro něj bylo, že se od počátku vyhranily dva směry a nepodařilo se rozpory překonat. Pokusy nevedly k takovému stupni spolupráce, který by se završil ustavením vedoucího společného orgánu slovenského politického exilu, a to nejen předúnorového. Jeden směr reprezentoval Ferdinand Ďurčanský, druhý Karol Sidor. První směr vytvořil organizaci Slovenský akčný výbor (později přejmenovaný na Slovenský oslobodzovací výbor). Sidorovo úsilí o ustavení vedoucího orgánu slovenského politického exilu vyústilo ve Slovenskú národnú radu v zahraničí (SNRvZ).
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The Czechoslovak Republic was, besides Switzerland, until the Munich Agreement in September 1938, the only parliamentary democracy of the Central-Eastern Europe in the period between the two world wars. However, it does not mean that the Czechoslovak democracy did not show any democratic practices shortfalls which were not usual in the traditional Western democracies. These shortcomings of democratic politics weakened the trust of the Czechoslovak citizens into the democratic regime at that time. The paper studies symptoms of that deficit in the three areas of the political life at the time: 1) insufficient respect to valid laws and democratic rules of the Czechoslovak political life, 2) the unfair ways of the political struggle among political parties and, 3) personal scandals of prominent and influent politicians and, often, their obscure solutions, which also spread in the public doubts about the correctness and purity of the Czechoslovak politics at that time. Anyway, the Czechoslovak political elite were able to preserve the parliamentary democracy in Czechoslovakia. The factors of its decline, after Munich, were primarily external.
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Na prelome rokov 1967/1968 nebolo jednoduché nastoliť riešenie slovenskej otázky a následne aj tému federalizácie dovtedy jednotného československého štátu, ktorý vznikol v októbri 1918. V tom čase predstavitelia slovenského národa, sklamaní pomermi v Rakúsko-Uhorsku a postavením slovenského národa v ňom, vkladali nádeje do spoločného štátu s českým národom. Matúš Dula, Milan R. Štefánik, Vavro Šrobár, Ferdiš Juriga, Štefan Osuský a ďalší sa opierali o Clevelandskú dohodu s českými zástupcami v zahraničí, v ktorej sa spoločný štát formuloval ako „spojenie českého a slovenského národa vo federatívnom zväzku štátov s úplnou autonómiou Slovenska...“, tiež o Pitt sburghskú dohodu, aj keď sa v nej o federácii explicitne nehovorilo, ako aj o Deklaráciu slovenského národa.
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Rok 1968 predstavoval v slovenských a v československých dejinách jedinečný pokus nenásilným spôsobom reformovať totalitný spôsob vládnutia uplatňovaný v rámci vtedajšej socialistickej spoločnosti. Pražská – a či presnejšie československá alebo česká a slovenská – jar bola súčasťou politickej konfrontácie, ku ktorej v rozličnej forme opakovane prichádzalo v štátoch sovietskeho bloku takmer od jeho vzniku. Československá jar najpregnantnejšie vyjadrila nesúhlas a odpor verejnosti proti direktívnym metódam vládnutia s ich negatívnymi dôsledkami na život slovenskej a českej spoločnosti, na ich modernizáciu, kultúrno-spoločenské napredovanie i morálny status.
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Prieskumy verejnej mienky v stredoeurópskych, tzv. postkomunistických krajinách ukazujú, že väčšina obyvateľov týchto krajín je presvedčená, že žije v štandardných demokratických podmienkach. Hlavným argumentom pre štandardnú demokraciu je existencia pluralitného spektra politických strán a všeobecné volebné právo.
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Shoqëria rumune, është në një proces ndryshimi, ku të gjitha aspektet ekonomike, sociale, politike dhe qytetare kanë regjistruar një dinamikë të re, në përpjekje që të përshtaten me kushtet e sotme. Tashmë, është funksional një sistem demokratik, ku ekonomia ka rezultate të suksesshme dhe është zhvilluar një shpirt demokratik në mentalitetin shoqëror. Çështjet e decentralizimit, janë të lidhura drejtpërdrejt me procesin e gjithanshëm të demokratizimit të shoqërisë dhe kjo është pjesë e qeverisjes së mirë.
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14th December 2015 marks the 20th anniversary of the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords (DPA, Dayton, or the Accords). This book analyses the period of war in Bosnia which shaped the Dayton Peace Accords, and subsequently the period of peace in Bosnia which was shaped by the Accords, through the prism of gender equality. The central theme of the book is the role of women in political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the war and during the period of peace that followed. Fifteen women who contributed to political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina through their work and activism during this period were interviewed in July 2015. Their experience, knowledge, and perseverance are what made progress in the field of Bosnian female politics possible.
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Državna struktura Bosne i Hercegovine u međunarodnoj stručnoj literaturi smatra se kompleksnom i nefunkcionalnom. Nerijetko, ova država se zbog administrativne podjele naziva „monstrumom“ ili „haotičnom demokratijom“. A unutar Bosne i Hercegovine i samo stanovništvo je skeptično u odnosu na državu i njene strukture. Stoga političari zahtijevaju radikalne reforme, kojima bi država bila uređena kao centralistička, federalna ili decentralizovana država. Većina tih zahtjeva je nerealna, budući da ih je nemoguće usuglasiti, tako da nema konsenzusa o budućnosti Bosne i Hercegovine i njenoj unutrašnjoj strukturi.
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Prilog skicira rat vođen za Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i prikazuje sklapanje mirovnog sporazuma u Daytonu. Analizira najznačajnije sadržaje odredbi Daytonskog sporazuma i pokazuje da njegove odredbe po pitanju demokratizacije, povratka izbjeglica i prognanika i procesuiranja ratnih zločina nadmašuju tadašnje odnose moći. Prilog opisuje implementaciju centralnih sadržaja mirovnog sporazuma koji će i sljedećih godina određivati politički diskurs u Bosni i Hercegovini.
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Članak opisuje Parlamentarnu skupštinu BiH kao najvišeg legislativnog organa vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini putem sistemske analize i sa aspekta konsocijativne političke paradigme. Izostanak političkog konsenzusa kod formiranja koalicionog programa vodećih parlamentarnih stranki kontinuirano ugrožava legitimnost zakonodavne vlasti i umanjuje njenu funkcionalnost u institucionalnom poretku. Ovakav model je sa stanovišta funkcionalnosti ovisan o vanjskom, supra-nacionalnom autoritetu u vršenju vlasti (Ured Visokog predstavnika za BiH), od čijeg angažmana će i dalje ovisiti donošenje ključnih odluka i reformi potrebnih za jačanje centralnog državnog aparata i time zastupanja opštih interesa svih građana (demosa) Bosne i Hercegovine. Tranzicija ka samostalnom modelu će biti uslovljena postizanjem političkog dogovora o opštem (zajedničkom) dobru uz etos kooperacije između parlamentarnih stranaka.
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Prve političke stranke u našoj zemlji formirane su početkom prošlog stoljeća u vrijeme Austrougarske uprave u BiH i od tada možemo pratiti razvoj višestranačke demokracije u BiH. Prvo političko organiziranje u BiH odvijalo se na etničko-konfensionalnom principu. Ulaskom u Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, nakon Prvoga svjetskoga rata, prekida se politčki subjektivitet BiH, te razvoj višestranačja u tom razdoblju na području naše zemlje nemoguće je promatrati izvan tadašnjeg opće-južnoslavenskog državnog konteksta. Nakon Drugog svjetskoga rata obnavlja se državnost BiH, ali se i uspostavlja diktatura komunističke partije uz zabranu osnivanja političkih stranaka. Nakon pada komunizma, 1990. godine, obnavlja se višestranačje u našoj zemlji, a zanimljivo je da su i tada baš kao i početkom XX. stoljeća najjače političke stranke formirane na etničkom principu. Razvoj višestranačja prekida rat koji je u BiH trajao od 1992. do 1995. godine. Nakon rata nastavlja se dominacija nacionalnih stranaka. Međutim, unutar sva tri nacionalna korpusa, odnosno sve tri nacionalne strankepokreta, već od prvih poratnih godina započinje proces diferencijacije i demokratizacije. Rascjepima u SDA, SDS-u i HDZ-u BiH nastaje niz novih političkih stranaka. Istodobno jačaju i multietničke stranke kao i stranke umjerenije orijentacije. Jednom započeti proces demokratizacije bio je nezaustavljiv, a kao potporni stup tek rođenoj demokraciji u BiH , uspotavljeni su i zakonski mehanizmi za pravično odvijanje izbornoga procesa, nadzor financiranja političkih stranaka te njihovu ovjeru za nastup na izborima. Svoj doprinos dao je i OHR kroz Bonske ovlasti, kojima je izravnim intervencionizmom u strukturu pojedinih političkih stranaka udaljio osobe koje su djelovale destruktivno na političkoj sceni, i tako ovim strankama omogućio profiliranje u moderne političke opcije lišene nacionalističkih ekstremizama.
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