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Daß Wahlen in Osteuropa mehr oder weniger eine Farce sind, ist altbekannt. Weniger bekannt aber sind jene konkreten Umstände, die diese dazu machen, denn formal haben die meisten osteuropäischen Länder das parlamentarische System der bürgerlichen Demokratie übernommen und in einigen Ländern — Polen, DDR — gibt es sogar auf dem Papier ein Mehrparteiensystem. Zusammengeschlossen sind diese Parteien und weitere Massenorganisationen meistens in die jeweiligen »Volksfronten«, die allein das Recht haben, Kandidaten für die Volksvertretung aufzustellen. Fest verankert in den Statuten dieser Organisation ist die »führende Rolle« der jeweiligen Landes-KP »beim Aufbau des Sozialismus «. Damit haben die Parteien oder anderen gesellschaftlichen Organisationen im Parlament keine, politische Rolle mehr. Die Volksversammlung hat nur mehr auf staatlicher Seite jene Beschlüsse zu sanktionieren, die auf der Seite der Parteihierarchie längst vom Zentralkomitee gefällt worden sind. Aus diesen Gründen bleibt auch der parlamentańsche Einfluß nicht-kommunistischer Abgeordneter sehr gering.
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This paper endeavours to deliver a comprehensive spatial depiction of Slovakia’s presidential election held on 16th and 30th March 2019. At first, the text briefly considers electoral and institutional framework of presidential elections and its background. Within the context of the first round, the paper subsequently analyses the electoral support of four key candidates who had obtained at least 10 per cent in order to clarify the overall electoral support. At the municipal level, the analysis of aggregated data then brings a complex mapping of regional electoral support towards the presidential candidates. Our negative binomial regression models, based on socio-economic variables and the results of the 2016 parliamentary election, yield no satisfactory results. Nonetheless, among others, it was revealed that the final two contenders did not lose their voters from the previous round. In comparison to Šefčovič, Čaputová succeeded in acquiring lower levels of new electoral support (up to 20 per cent) but across the whole country. Afterwards, the Hungarian minority was proved a determinative factor for the win, contrarily to the socio-economic indicators as explicative variables of which the university degree and age were found the most significant.
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This article focuses at powers of the Presidents of the Slovak Republic during the period from 1999 to 2019. Therefore, the aim is to compare how selected constitutional presidential powers were exercised after the fundamental constitutional changes in 1999. The most significant change was by introducing direct presidential elections, and adjusting the President ́s constitutional status. The ways how the individual Presidents holding their office within this period, exercised their powers towards the Parliament, government, and the judiciary do form the basic research questions here. Hence, whether a personal background of individual Presidents and political reality of seats distribution in the Parliament predetermined their exercise of these powers, or if there were some other rules present when they exercised their office. The findings presented in this research reflect 20 years of continuous exercise of Presidential office in the conditions of the Slovak Republic. This ultimately leads to the conclusion that the function itself, as well as its constitutional definition, has affected the exercise of Presidential powers more ultimately than the personal background of these directly elected Presidents at the beginning of their terms of office. The very first President, Mr. Michal Kováč, got into a major conflict with then Prime Minister, Vladimír Mečiar, even during the first year after taking the office. This conflict lasted nearly for five-years and altogether with the inability of the MPs to elect his successor led to the necessity of amending the Constitution. Presidents Rudolf Schuster, Ivan Gašparovič and Andrej Kiska gradually took their office, but only the second mentioned had managed to defend his position in an electoral competition. At present, the office of President is held by Zuzana Čaputová, who has been in the office since June 2019 - as the very first woman in this position in history of Slovakia.
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Participatory budgeting (PB) is often discussed as a tool to support active participation of citizens in the decision-making in the matters of the distribution of public resources. However, little was said about the possibility that the choice of a voting method used in the voting phase of the PB process could affect the participation in PB. In the Czech Republic, the Democracy 2.1 (D21) voting method is often used in municipalities implementing PB and additionally, it is promoted as a method to encourage more people to vote. This article aims to determine Czech municipalities with the D21 method and its modification, and to evaluate the impact of choosing these voting methods on participation rate in PB. The study suggests that the choice of a voting method is relevant for citizens´ engagement in voting. Based on the empirical findings, the D21 method and its modification are associated with a higher voter turnout in PB than another voting method. Further, the results underline the influence of external organizations offering online platforms for voting.
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At the 2017 parliamentary elections in Czechia, the Czech Pirate Party was unprecedentedly successful compared to most Pirate Party in Europe. However, while the Pirate-led alliance PirSTAN won 15.62% of the votes in the 2021 Parliamentary Election, the number of Pirate MPs dropped from 22 to 4. The goal of this paper is therefore to explain this decline. We show that the pirates’ failures were primarily due to the tactical and strategic failures of the pirates, who, although acting as a data-based party, were unable to assess the danger of an electoral alliance with STAN, whose local and regional reputation and tactics targeting preferences have managed to minimize the representation of pirates.
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The paper focuses on the role of state officials during elections to the Bohemian State Diet in 1860s and 1870s. With the February Patent and the restoration of Parliament system, a part of citizens gained access to participate in governing the state through their parliamentary representatives. The society was to be protected from violent conflicts. The struggles for power were regulated and restricted to the period of parliamentary elections. Political parties and key players entering the electoral competition tried to use as many instruments possible to increase their chances of winning parliamentary mandates. At the same time, there was a discussion in order to set criteria to evaluate the legitimacy of used instruments. In this aspect, one of key questions was the role of state authorities during elections. A numerous and well-informed apparatus of state administration had a variety of instruments at their disposal that made it possible to influence, directly or indirectly, the outcome of election. To ensure the equal conditions in the political competition, the opposition parties repeatedly asked for the neutrality of state officials since 1860s, which, however, remained ignored for two decades. And not only that. By the end of 1870s, the government alone compelled some state officials to stand as candidates. This was, however, a controversial issue, often bordering on the conflict of interests. Also district captain Nicodem Eckert came to the similar situation, elected for the second time deputy of the Bohemian State Diet at the end of 1870s. During the electoral campaign he imposed no restrictions on himself and efficiently used all instruments that his position as the head of the political authority offered. The time changed, though, after the fall of the Constitution Party. The legitimacy of the Eckert’s election was questioned and, subsequently, one of the biggest election scandals in our lands broke out that contributed to revision of the role of state officials during electoral competition.
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The election to the Diet of the Slovak Land that took place on December 18, 1938, is an example of how the opposition could be efficiently eliminated during the election under the existing democratic electoral law. The Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (HSLS) that practically seized the power in Slovakia on October 6, 1938, tried to eliminate the possibility that any other party would present its candidates in the election. However, it had to proceed in accordance to the existing electoral laws. The government of the Slovak Land announced the election by the decree of November 26, 1938, and set the date to Sunday, December 18, 1938. The lists of candidates were to be presented in two exemplars as late as 21 days before the day of election, i. e. by 12 AM November 27, 1938, to the president of Land Electoral Committee at the Land Authority in Bratislava, that was formed by the plenipotentiaries of the running political parties. From the formal point of view, the announcement was in accordance with the existing laws from the time of the First Republic, the reality was, however, different. November 27, 1938, was Sunday, so, in reality, it was necessary to present the lists of candidates by Saturday November 26, i. e. the very day when the announcement was published. This meant that the list could have been presented only by those who had prior knowledge of the announcement and had the list ready beforehand – which was only the HSLS party. The only opposition party that tried to present its own candidates was the party of the Ruthenian minority of the pro-Russian character – Ruské národní jedinstvo (RNJ). The list, presented to the Land Electoral Committee on November 29, was refused because it arrived late. The complaint of the party to the electoral court was fruitless. The participation in the election on December 18, 1938, was mandatory according to the laws. The voter was obliged to cast a ballot into a box and to throw away the candidate lists he did not vote for into a crate. This, however, meant, due to the existence of only one candidate list, that the election was not secret. It is, therefore, not surprising that under such circumstances the candidate list of HSLS gained 98 % of all votes (1 260 261 votes). The legitimacy of the diet elected under such conditions is, however, very problematic.
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Since the 1950’s, the content analysis has been defined as a research method by B. Be r e ls o n (Be r e ls o n 1952). Since that time it has been used in a number of scientific disciplines, including social sciences. The ever more frequent utilization of this method stems primarily from the possibility to accept considerably generalized or explanatory conclusions. One of the main fields of political science’s interest is the issue of regional development. Its potential is often assessed, based on the identification of endogenous factors, which also include local political representation. The value attitudes of the region that affect the composition of the local political body crucially are undoubtedly very much affected by the impact of local media. The purpose of the article is to verify the usability of the content analysis in the study of the local media in this context. It is apparent that the content analysis can be a useful tool for understanding the possible effects of one of the most important factors of regional development - local printed media.
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An analysis of election results has become an integral part of political scientists’ work. An analysis of coalitions in municipalities with extended competence, of the political affiliation of mayors and of representation of political parties in these municipalities after local government elections in 2010 shows who is the policy maker in these municipalities and which political parties take part in it. The conclusions of such an analysis can be used by political parties during preparation for 2012 regional elections and, of course, during preparation for the next local elections in 2014.
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Ve dnech 8. a 9. února 2008 proběhla ve Španělském sále Pražského hradu volba prezidenta republiky. Byla první, nepřinesla žádný pozitivní výsledek a setkala se povětšinou s negativními ohlasy pozorovatelů. Šlo opravdu o frašku nedůstojnou Parlamentu České republiky, nebo se naši zákonodárci setkali s opravdovými ústavněprávními problémy, které nebylo možné jednoduše řešit? Kloním se spíše k první variantě.
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In Romania the research of the elites began after the removal of the communist regime in 1989. The present paper deals only with a small group of the leading elite of the Germans from Romania: MPs, members of the Assembly of Deputies and the Senate. The Germans constituted 4.1% out of Romania’s population (754,000 in 1930). They lived in different parts of the country: in the Old Kingdom (30,000), in Banat (280,000), in Bessarabia (80,000), in Bukovina (75,000), in Dobrogea (12,000), in Sătmar (30.000) and in Transylvania (250,000). After 1918 Germans organized themselves in the Germans’ Union of Romania. At the first parliamentary elections in November 1919, they elected 26 deputies and senators. They formed the German People’s Party of Romania, which was in fact a political faction. The chosen president was the deputy of Sibiu, Rudolf Brandsch, and secretaries Hans Otto Roth and Josef Gabriel. At the other nine elections that followed in the interwar years, the number of MPs elected German was still low (July 1927). German MPs were chosen from a small group of leaders (50–60 in the interwar years). The most prominent elected several times were: H.O. Roth (elected in 10 legislative periods), Fritz Connert, Wilhelm Binder, Rudolf Brandsch (Transylvanian Saxons), Franz Kräuter, Kaspar Muth, Emmerich Reitter, Hans Beller, Karl von Möller (Banat Swabians), Alois Lebouton and Alfred Kohlruss (Germans from Bukovina), Daniel Haase (Germans from Bessarabia). They presented the German minority’s demands in the Romanian Parliament: the recognition of collective rights for minorities, the inclusion of national minorities’ rights in the Constitution and in other laws, full equality with Romanians in all areas, government support for the German minority culture and its churches, the right to use mother language in public affairs, in schools and in church, state financial support for churches and for religious schools etc.; they also demanded the right to maintain relations with Germany and Austria, but declared themselves loyal citizens of Romania. The vaste majority of German MPs were graduates of Universities from Budapest, Vienn, Berlin, Munich, Marburg, Tübingen etc. They were lawyers, teachers, priests, high officials, journalists and had professional and political prestige in the Romanian interwar society. In the Bucharest Parliament they constituted a model of discipline and of activity for defending the German minorities’ interests. In the face of Nazi ideology that permeated the ranks of the minority, they defended the values of the democratic system. From the adherents of Nazism just a few managed to enter Parliament at the last elections in 1939 (Waldemar Gust, Hans Beller). German MPs in interwar Romania were true representatives of the German minority. They defended and supported the national identity of this ethnic group. Some of them were elected in more legislative periods, becoming thus professional politicians.
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In this paper I will approach the phenomenon of trust from two angles. The first part of the paper will deal with empirical research of trust. I will outline five ongoing debates regarding the pros and cons of different types of such research, and subsequently point out that each side in these debates requires a more precise definition of trust. In the second part of the paper, I will start with the currently prevalent debate between those who equate trust with behaviour and those who define it as an expectation. I will talk about the problems of both these approaches, and also about the thesis that trust is a character trait. Although each of these options has its own merits, I will try to show that trust is a phenomenon that is too complex for any simple or straightforward definition. I conclude the paper by providing a comprehensive definition of trust, which includes some of the mentioned elements, but also several other significant aspects of the phenomenon, and which I hope can serve as a starting point in formulating future empirical research.
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Making choice when there is more than one and many candidates and criteria is called "multi-criteria decision making". It is very important for individuals and institutions to accurately evaluate the problemsolving and decision-making stages, choose the best, and reach the right decisions. The presence of a large number of options and criteria in many conflicting decision-making problems, it is difficult to reach the right conclusion. By converting qualitative data into quantitative, decision making will be possible with a scientific method and approach. In this study, the ELECTRE method is proposed to ensure the selection of the right candidate by evaluating the criteria that are important and effective in teacher selection and the conditions of the candidates. The weight scores of the criteria were determined by the CRITIC method. In our world of information and communication age, it is necessary to access and develop accurate information. For this reason, education and the presence of teachers in education are very important. Making education systems better quality will be possible with the presence of selected educators. Care should be taken to choose an educator who can guide students and parents and improve themselves. In this research, the ELECTRE method was used to select teachers for a private educational institution. As a result of the literature review, it has been determined that it is a method that provides the best decision at the selection stage. As a result of this research, it has been understood that ELECTRE is a suitable method in teacher selection and can be a guide in the selection of all kinds of educators.
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The turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in Austria-Hungary involved numerous political and social conflicts. Growing democratic tendencies resulted in draft bills being drawn up aimed at making voting rights universal. Since 1893 the conservatives from Galicia criticised the institution of universal suffrage on the grounds of anti-democratism and elitism. Of importance were also ethnic issues, in particular the fear of an increase in the number of deputies of Ukrainian nationality. Also in 1906, during the next parliamentary debate, conservatives expressed views against the reform of the electoral law. The article presents the position of Podolian conservatives through the speeches by their delegates in the Vienna parliament as well as the statements made in the press and in book publications.
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The article is an attempt to present the current legal situation in the Slovak Republicconcerning the shortening of the term of parliament by referendum. It contains, in addition toa discussion of the regulations themselves, also the course of previous changes in the area inquestion, as well as their evaluation and the effects of the problem raised so far. The authorsdo this not only on the basis of the legislative analysis itself, including primarily the text of theConstitution. They explicitly take into account the previous achievements of the ConstitutionalCourt of the Slovak Republic in this regard. The very shortening of the parliamentary termby means of a referendum is an important topic from the point of view of the stability of thefunctioning not only of the legislative body, but also its impact on the entire state system,when one takes into account the role of the parliament as one of the three pillars of democracy.Moreover, the issue addressed is highly dynamic and the practice in this regard is taking placebefore our eyes, resulting in the upcoming autumn parliamentary elections in Slovakia. Theauthors also indicate the reasons why the referendum as one of the best solutions for decision-making in the state in this situation is not such a best solution at all.
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Research background: The global COVID-19 pandemic, which started in the first quarter of 2020, triggered unprecedented economic challenges, prompting governments worldwide to implement intervention measures to mitigate its impacts on business and employment. With- out the state’s financial help, many companies were forced to lay off their employees. Among these measures was the First Aid intervention program introduced in Slovakia in April 2020, aimed at providing financial support to companies facing operational disruptions and poten- tial layoffs of their employees.Purpose of the article: This study assesses the impact of the First Aid intervention program during the COVID-19 pandemic on unemployment in selected sectors, with an emphasis on the financial aspect, emphasising the international relevance and long-term implications of the state intervention in the crisis period. By analysing its effectiveness in preserving jobs and mitigating unemployment in selected sectors, the research seeks to offer valuable insights that can inform crisis response strategies and labour market policies in the country and beyond national borders.Methods: Employing a counterfactual approach, we quantify the financial consequence of the First Aid+ intervention program on the state budget, comparing unemployment costs against the benefits of maintaining employment in targeted sectors. Through this methodological framework, we aim to provide a replicable model for evaluating the efficacy of intervention programs in different socio-economic contexts.Findings & value added: Our analysis reveals not only the immediate impacts of the First Aid+ program on mitigating unemployment during the pandemic, but also its broader impli- cations for policy and crisis management strategies. By elucidating the cost-benefit analysis of intervention measures, the research contributes to the effective labour market policies in times of crisis.
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The election year 2022 set a record in the number of direct expressing of political will of voters in the recent political history of Slovenia. Citizens went to polls even seven times. The parliamentary elections and the referendum trio were the most echoed and important ones. The former, on one hand, brought political shift to left liberal centre, after two years of the rightwing coalition that misused the pandemics time for strengthening of the autocratic approach. This was most obvious in continuing efforts to dismantle the Slovene Press Agency and the National TV. The latter, on the other hand, focused on the right to clean drinking water for everybody. The presidential elections only confirmed that political trend, bringing victory to the independent candidate from the political centre. Key characteristics of the super election year were the defeat of rightwing parties, huge election turnout and an oustanding activitiy of civil society that contributed significantly to a political change.
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The December 2023 Serbian parliamentary and local elections unfolded against the tragic backdrop of two mass shootings in May, triggering a public outcry and widespread protests that demanded increased security measures. Serbia’s political landscape, characterized by a democratic façade but inherently unfair conditions for inter-party competition, defined the elections’ outcome. The ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), led by President Vučić, was drawing on its incumbent advantage to realize its predominance in media representation, misuse public funds, and manipulate voter registers. The SNS secured an absolute majority with 46% of the votes. However, allegations of electoral irregularities marred the elections. Instead of resolving societal conflicts, the elections deepened existing tensions. Addressing these allegations transparently and accountably will be crucial for restoring confidence and fostering political stability in Serbia.
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This paper deals with the role of national minority councils through the prism of the concept of non-territorial autonomy. These councils were established as institutes for minority representation, aiming to strengthen the influence of national minorities on local and regional politics in the part related to their position. Similar forms of minority representation are established in most European countries and are often analysed within the concepts and distinction of non-territorial autonomy and territorial autonomy. As will be shown in the paper, territorial autonomy presupposes a much higher degree of autonomy for minority institutions in deciding on issues important for national minorities. It is more suitable for countries where these minorities reside in certain parts of the national territory. In practice, we often encounter minority political institutions that have features of non-territorial autonomy. These institutions can assume various forms and achieve different degrees of autonomy in deciding on local policies and affairs of interest to minority groups. Although councils of national minorities possess substantial democratisation potential and can significantly contribute to the position of national minorities, previous research does not support this claim. The purpose of this paper is twofold: (i) to determine whether national minority councils constitute an institutional form of nonterritorial autonomy and (ii) to assess their actual role in promoting and protecting the interests of national minorities within local political processes. In order to examine this, the paper employs legal analysis, a review of secondary data available in scientific and professional literature, and a direct analysis of available data on the financing of national minority councils and voter participation in elections for these councils. The role of national minority councils is analysed in four aspects: the legal basis of non-territorial autonomy, the right to self-regulation, the right to establish own decision-making bodies and their scope of work, and their financing. In addition, the voter response to council elections is analysed as a possible indicator of the legitimacy of directly elected bodies. With regard to the legal basis of their establishment, it can be concluded that they enjoy the highest level of protection, having been established by constitutional law, which, due to the adoption procedure, holds a position between the Constitution and other organic laws. Furthermore, the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia guarantees members of national minorities the right to cultural autonomy, and the councils are an expression of the explicitly recognised collective rights of national minorities. They were established as a collective entity with legal personality. The legislator intended to establish councils as “minority self-government” institutions in local and regional self-government units. However, many authors state that, for a number of reasons, councils cannot be characterised as such. This brings us to their real role, manifested in the right of councils to self-regulation, self-organisation and the establishment of their own decision-making bodies as essential determinants of non-territorial autonomy. The councils adopt various acts, including a statute regulating important aspects of their operation, a work programme, a financial plan, a final account, and other internal acts governing matters crucial to their functioning. They also have their own decision-making bodies, primarily the president and deputy president of the council, and have the authority to establish other working bodies. However, the council’s powers are regulated by constitutional law and are reduced to a solely consultative role. Therefore, the question arises as to their actual influence in shaping political decisions related to the interests of national minorities, as they depend on the cooperation and will of local political actors in this regard. Another problem is the limited financial and administrative resources available for their functioning. The political legitimacy of the council, gained through minority electorate participation in elections, is also questionable, given the extremely low voter turnout across all election cycles. This is also an indicator of the council’s non-recognition as a relevant entity in protecting the rights of national minorities at the local level. To conduct a deeper analysis of the actual role of national minority councils and verify their influence in individual local communities, empirical research is necessary. The paper concludes that, although councils have a high level of legal protection, political legitimacy, internal bodies, and institutional experience, they are confined to a consultative role and lack significant influence over local political processes important for national minorities.
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