Transitions Online_Middle Europa-Uncharted Waters with Populists Ahead
The stakes are extremely high ahead of the Czech elections, which could be a potential game changer for the entire region.
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The stakes are extremely high ahead of the Czech elections, which could be a potential game changer for the entire region.
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The businessman could face a daunting task of cobbling together a coalition after being indicted for fraud.
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The study focuses on the issues pertaining to the electoral engineering. Its aim is to clarify and resolve the imprecisions of the terminology referring to the changes of the legislature concerning the election process, while specifying four types of changes. The classification is subsequently applied in the analysis of the changes of the legislature concerning the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic since 1989 to this day.
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The topics of the identification and balance of the public interest and legitimate expectations may be analysed and continuously updated in various law-making areas, including the regulation of the financing of political parties. This area of the legal system of the Republic of Lithuania is characterised by unusually dynamic development and its change, in particular, by the elimination of donations, which were considered to be legal for many years, from legal persons to political parties and their election campaigns; innovative instrumentalisation of the allocation of the fixed percentage share, i. e. 1 percent, of the personal income tax to a political party (at the taxpayer’s choice) (at the expense of the interests of the other hitherto only beneficiaries of this part of the tax, e. g., schools); the legitimation of the allocation of the so-called small donations (not exceeding LTL 40, or EUR 12 as from 1 January 2015) from natural persons to a political party’s election campaign (by calling a special telephone number); a limitation on part of political parties’ election campaign expenditure in television (“in election campaigning videos that are longer than 30 seconds”), i.e. the imposition of the maximum percentage share, which is not more than the level of 50 percent of the maximum allowed campaign expenditure; a particularly doubtful application of reimbursement for part of campaign expenditure incurred by certain political parties in the 2008 election to the Seimas (by allocating LTL 4 million for that) during the economic crisis in 2010 when old-age pensions and the remuneration of state servants and officials were reduced, and the subsequently consolidated removal of such an instrument for reimbursement; a tendency towards increasing the annual state budget appropriation to political parties in recent years; the emergence of the consequences of the distribution of the said appropriation among 6–9 political parties (exceptions to the rules on public procurement), i. e. the consolidation of the privilege of certain political parties, the activities of which are (become) more than 50 percent financed from the state budget, not to follow public procurement procedures (as of 1 January 2014, only when buying certain advertising services). The striving for the transparency and sustainability of the financing of political parties, which takes the form in the above-mentioned and other aspects, may be subject to an ambiguous assessment namely in respect of the definition and harmonisation (typology) of the public interest and legitimate expectations. Therefore, it is important to link the general aspects of the concept of the public interest to the problematic aspects of the insights (conception) of legitimate expectations and their specific reflections in the regulation of the dual financing (by private and public funds) of political parties. It should be noted that the legitimate expectations of political parties, like analogous expectations of other persons, stem from the legal norms that are formulated with sufficient precision and from individual governing acts that are based on them, as well as from real opportunities to commence and a fortiori complete the procedure that is already pending in order to implement the rights consolidated in the said norms (among other things, in order to realise the right, acquired in accordance with election results, to participate in the distribution of the annual state budget appropriation).
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The article presents the formation of the election system of old Poland. The process created,in evolutional way, the pattern of electing members of the Diet. It involved aiming at electingdeputies in small territorial units based on combination of unanimous and majority votes,in the system of block vote. The article discusses the implementation of this pattern in the votingsystem established within reformation of Poland at the end of XVIII century.
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Australia holds a particular place in the world history of a compulsory voting. It is of oneof the first countries which has decided for the implementation of the mentioned idea. The resultsof this decision have turned out very successful. This work shows the origins of compulsoryvoting in Australia, the process of its’ implementation and the influence on voter turnoutin the federal parliamentary elections. This coverage also conducts the analyse of appropriatelegal regulations. The separated part of this work is dedicated to extraordinary high social supportfor compulsory voting which shows an important element of Australian political culture.
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The paper examines the complex issue of the municipal councilor selections in the UnitedStates. The traditions of local elections, in particular reforms resulting from the ProgressiveMovement in the turn of the 19th and 20thcenturies,is briefly presented. The legal basis of the votingrights and electoral rules are studied. Types of council member election procedures are examined.At-large and ward elections are presented in relation to the size of municipal corporationsand the form of their government.
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Scholarly and political debates demonstrate that there is no unique opinion concerning the significance of electoral systems and of their relationship towards party systems. The author discusses three controversial questions: 1) the importance of electoral systems; 2) concrete political effects; 3) the evaluation of electoral systems with regard to party systems. Special attention is paid to Duverger’s understanding of the influence exercised by electoral systems upon the party system and to the re-formulations of Duverger’s stands expressed in works by Douglas W. Rae, William Riker, and Giovanni Sartori. The author believes that the impact of the electoral system upon the party system cannot be understood simply in terms of definitions and abstract features but ought to be evaluated through an analysis of the electoral system in its concrete social and political context. The effects of electoral systems cannot be separated from concrete socio-political structures and processes nor from specific socio-political circumstances within an electoral system is created.
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Review of: R. J. Johnston, F. M. Shelley, and P. J. Taylor (ed) "Developments in Electoral Geography"; Routledge, London and New York, 1990, 272 p. by: Štefica Deren-Antoljak
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The article deals with the research of cooperation and political dialogue between the European Parliament and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Parliamentary dialogue holds one of the key places in the system of foreign policy. The paper determines that cooperation with the European Parliament will contribute to enhancement of the institutional capacity of the Verkhovna Rada, quality of the legislative process and legislation, of Ukrainian parliamentarism, extension of communication, and facilitate interaction with the public. Regarding the latest news, it appears that cooperation with the legislative body of the European Union has strengthened and moved to a new format of intercommunication.
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The author analyses the constitutional determination of the electoral system, its different manifestations and consequences, hence questions if they should find their place within materia constitutionis. Comparative constitutional examples show both theoretical and practical flaws of such determination, as both explicit and implicit prediction has more drawbacks than advantages. After explanation and differentiation of related key-concepts with comparative examples, the author focuses on former Yugoslav countries that display a variety of possible solutions. Inter alia, he finds that the Serbian constitution implicitly determines the proportional electoral system and advocates future revision of the norms in question, since the present solution can be considered as the least favourable.
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Political competition of local cells of political parties in the regional aspect in Ukraine on the example of Volyn region is considered. The current state of participation of political parties in local electoral processes is investigated. It is proved that in case of the absence of a sustainable social base the local organizations of political parties mostly do not represent interests of social groups. They are pragmatic projects of financial industrial groups, the growth in the number of which correlates with the beginning of the next electoral campaign. It is reasoned that the greatest opportunity to find the necessary resources for the election campaign, and therefore to be represented in local government have parliamentary parties which are in power at the national level.
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Ruling party supremo Kaczynski seen as pulling strings to bring in a more managerial figure at the head of the government.
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Outgoing leader Sargsyan denies speculations he will seek to become prime minister, although his party backs the move.
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In November 2017, the fifth elections in the Slovak Republic took place in the bodies of self-governing regions – higher territorial units. In the election, the citizens elected the bodies – the chairmen of the self-governing regions and the deputies in the self-governing councils. From elected bodies it depends what direction will move in the coming term of the development of regional self-government, how self-government representatives will meet their goals, how citizens' interests and needs will be met, but also how they will meet their obligations and roles granted to them by law. The aim of the article was to analyze the results of elections to the bodies of self-governing regions. Aim is quite extensive, so it was necessary to define several sub-objectives. At the same time, it was desirable to examine other indicators that contributed in the way to the main goal. The article has the character of an overview study, and in a well-chosen methodological procedure, deals with the elections to the bodies of self-governing regions, which took place in the Slovak Republic in November 2017. An extensive analysis of election results has highlighted new facts and specifications, which should be given due attention. Transparent processing of the chosen problem demonstrates not just the current situation, but also possible trends of future development within the space regional self-government of the Slovak Republic.
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L’article a pour but rapprocher l’histoire de la naissance de la constitution de Vème République et du processus d’élection du Président de la République en particulier.Il presente les bases de la nouvelle constitution – la loi constitutionnelle du 3 juin 1958 ansi que l’élaboration du texte. L e projet de constitution soumis au référendum populaire en 1958 a été approuvé par presque 80% des électeurs. L a Vème République est neé. Dans une autre partie de l’article ont été présenté les élection presidentielles du Charles de Gaulle jusqu’au Nicolas Sarkozy. L a durée du mandat présidentiel ainsi que le mode de scrutin ont évolué. De la IIIème République à la IVème République, le Président de la République fut élu par les membres de l’A ssemblée Nationale et du Sénat réunis en Congrès. E n 1958, le Président de la République a été élu au suff rage universel indirect par un collège électoral spécifique composé des membres du Parlement, des conseillers généraux et des représentants élus des conseils municipaux,soit environ 80 000 électeurs. Ce système n’a fonctionné qu’une seule fois pour l’élection de Charles de Gaulle à son premier mandat présidentiel. L a révision constitutionnelle du 6 novembre 1962, approuvée par le référendum du 28 octobre 1962, a établi le suff rage universel direct. L e référendum du 24 septembre 2000 a mis fin au principe du septennat institué sous la IIIème République - le mandat présidentiel est désormais de 5 ans renouvelables. L e scrutin est un scrutin uninominal majoritaire à deux tours. Pour être élu au premier tour, il faut réunir la majorité absolue des suff rages exprimés. A fin que l’élu recueille la majorité des suff rages exprimés, ainsi que le dispose la Constitution (article 7),seuls deux candidats sont autorisés à se présenter au second tour. Il s’agit des deux candidats ayant obtenu le plus grand nombre de suffrage au premier tour. E st élu au second tour, le candidat ayant obtenu la majorité des suff rages exprimés. L e second tour a lieu le deuxième dimanche suivant le premier tour. A fin d’éviter les candidatures fantaisistes, la loi organique du 6 novembre 1962 (modifié par la loi organique du 18 juin 1976) établissait un système de représentation. Une candidature n’est recevable que si elle est parrainée par au moins 500 citoyens titulaires de mandats électifs définis par la loi organique. L’artice finit par une présentation des dernieres élections présidentielles de l’an 2007, suivie d’une courte description du parti (UM P) qui a porte l’aide à Nicolas Sarkozy dans ces elections.
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The article discusses one of the elements of the proportional electoral system that is constituencies as well as their influence on principles of proportionality and the equality of electoral right. The author puts the thesis, that the most important thing is creating the constituencies according to the political, economical and social uniformity, choosing equitable method of division of mandates and last but not least creating apt size and structure of constituencies.
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The political subject is defined as the consumer of goods in the form of political power, political ideas, political leaders, and parties. Political marketing is understood as the identification of political relations and processes with different forms of market exchange and the process of electoral choice as a specific market (the act of purchase and sale). The concept of political positioning appeared as the result of relevant categories of commercial research in the political sphere. Political positioning should be considered as the process of political communication aimed at acquiring by political actor his position in political marketing. It is the most difficult type of political and communication strategic campaigns. This approach allows the candidate (party) to compare his image with electorate’s views of desired (acceptable) candidate, political party; compare his image with the image of an opponent; explore the pros and cons of alternative positions; and choose those the most advantageous position for a candidate (party).
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The paper deals with the problem of quantitative and qualitative functioning of the political parties in modern Ukraine. It studies particular political structures which avoid their active political positioning, have an unsystematic, sporadic character of their political activity or imitate their active participation in the political life. Existence of the “phantom” parties in the Ukrainian political system has negative consequences as it withholds the party system qualitative structuring process.
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