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Bosnia Daily: December 22, 2015 – Virtual Electoral Units = Virtual Accountability
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Bosnia Daily: November 6, 2014 – Why the International Rush for Government Formation?
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The Paper is focused to the passive voting right, i.e. Deputies’ capacity, as it is also called. The author discusses the contents and nature of passive voting right, as one of the the general citizens’ right to participate in the performance of public affairs and citizens’ right to the equal availability to public functions including the right of the citizens to retain and enjoy their office, under the same conditions as the other candidates, without any form of discrimination and the right of passive voting right protection. The subject of the analysis are also the objects of the passive voting right and the conditions for that right achievement, and parliamentary incompatibility.
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In the representative government the function of resolving disputes arising from electoral process is necessary. The settlement of electoral disputes is the primary jurisdiction of the regular and administrative justice, but to some extent, as an appellate or subsidiary competence is delegated to constitutional courts. Afther a comparative analyses of the competences of constitutional courts in resolving electoral conflicts, including disputes on termination of parliamentary mandate, the author presents the role of the Serbian Constitutional Court in this field. All forms of jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court which have direct or indirect effect on resolving the electoral disputes are analyzed, especially the normative control of the electoral rules, deciding on requests for enforcement of the decision which are issued in judicial review, as well as constitutional complaints lodged for violation of electoral rights guaranteed by the Constitution.
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Political rights provides citizens with participation in the political life of the state and public affairs. In the group of political rights the most important place undoubtedly belongs to the electoral rights, which allows citizens to express their will in that process directly and/or through elected representatives. These are fundamental human rights, proclaimed and protected by numerous documents and the determination of human rights, their evolution, the basic principles and their classification are subject of the first part of this work. The subject of second part of this paper is electoral right, which is viewed as a set of rights that citizens realise during the elections, so this issue was treated by considering the right to vote or to be elected, as well as other special rights that constitute its content. The electoral rights proclaim the very first historical declarations on human rights and freedoms and today it is governed by international agreements and relevant legislation within the state. Sources of human and electoral rights are subject to the third part of this paper, which presents the most important universal and regional systems of protection of human and electoral rights, as well as sources of those rights in Serbia. Bearing in mind that international sources of human and electoral rights are not in the same form and that they have different legal effect, it is pointed out to their most significant differences.
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This report provides a methodology for defining and identifying true swing states in US presidential elections. After these states are identified by cross-tabulating high-performing states under the categories of battleground (states with the lowest margin between competitors), shift (states with the highest frequency of flipping from Republican to Democrat or vice-versa), and bellwether (the accuracy of a state to vote concurrently with the winner of the electoral college) during the US presidential elections from 1992 through 2016, an examination is completed to determine any similarities among these states in terms of median household income, population density, racial demographics, political party affiliation, voter behavior, and voter registration. These states are then compared to national averages to determine if the “average swing state” can be identified. Hecht and Schultz utilize a four-point method for identifying swing states (2015). This report attempts to utilize less arbitrary data, using a three-point methodology: battleground, shift, and bellwether.
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Opći okvirni sporazum za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini postavio je osnove za uspostavljanje mira u Bosni i Hercegovini. Međutim, neka od najvažnijih pitanja koja su važna za demokratsko funkcioniranje države i dalje nisu u skladu s međunarodnim pravnim standardima koji se odnose na izbore i izborni sistem u Bosni i Hercegovini. tako se efekti Sporazuma ogledaju u različitim aspektima problema koji se vezuju za izbore i izborni sistem u Bosni i Hercegovini koje i tretira ovaj rad.
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How does the urgency on publicizing opinions was expressed in the uses of an online social network during a conflicted period of time like the Presidential Campaign in countries such as Brazil and United States? In these scenarios, it seems that it is not enough to simply reflect on certain relevant topics; it seems essential to externalize opinions that seek to establish an intransigent position. To understand this phenomenon, possible evidence can be found in the way communities of fans are organized, guided by the regulation of affections in the media and in education. Thus, the concept of "opinionative priority" is proposed to understand the disputes about the meaning of democracy that emerge in online social networks, being the attempt to corroborate, counter or refute a statement, in a power dispute. It is the tensioning itself resulting from the need to belong, caused by social networks, and participatory culture, because it is not enough to be and be seen, it is necessary to be part of the discussions, or to initiate a new one. These disputes treat diverse opinions as enemies to be exterminated, obliterating the pluralistic democratic condition, supported by the fundamental right of freedom of speech. Therefore, it is understood that the "opinionative priority" is more than a communication process, since it promotes a pedagogical action in which opinion is formed from absence of moderation, once there is no time for considerations; there is only the urgency to defend a point of view in social networks.
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The author explores the nature and significance of the election deposit, which is one of the conditions which the political subjects have to fulfill in order to participate in the elections. The main dilemma is if the election deposit is legitimate, having in mind the aim which has to be realized, namely the prevention of the frivolous candidates participation in the elections.In this work, the author analyzes legal solutions in different states as well, concluding that the election deposit is not universally accepted measure. Even when it is accepted, it is coupled with some other conditions for participation in the elections. The author also analyzes the practices of the European Court on Human Rights as well as of the national courts, which are different, since some courts consider the election deposit is a legitimate and rational measure, while the others negate its constitutionality.The author concludes that the election deposit is not a legitimate measure since it causes unequal position of the political subjects, preventing or worsening participation in the elections of the small and new founded political parties, or independent candidates. This measure has discriminatory character since its aim can be achieved with another, less restrictive measure, such as the collection of the voters’ signatures.
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Although the right to vote is universal and equal, many factors complicate its efficient realization. One of these factors is the nature of electoral lists, which determines to what extent the voters would be able to influence the election of their representatives. Besides, the nature of electoral lists influences the behaviour of political parties and candidates.In this work we analyse the factors determining the behaviour of political parties and candidates, as well as the influence of different types of electoral lists on exercizing the right to vote. More specifically, we analyse the influence of electoral lists on: composition of the parliament (social, gender and ideological and political); behaviour of the members of parliament (interests which they represent, relationship with voters and the way in which they decide how they would vote); political corruption. The overall analysis is expected to confirm the basic hypothesis that different types of electoral lists do not have substantially different importance for the realization of the principle of people's sovereignty, although some types of electoral lists enables citizens to participate in the creation of state power more efficiently.
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This paper examines the last election from a general perspective highlighting the development of a democratic system on one hand, and the political party system on the other. Firstly, it gives a general background on Kosovo’s organization of elections and the political system, coupled by a brief overview of prominent challenges that this system faces. Secondly, the paper moves to discuss the overall progress of the elections, including legal problems, information dissemination to citizens, issues with the administration of election results, and other aspects. Both these aims are pursued through following the principles of independent research and respect for the rules of public policy writing.
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The assembly polls in Gujarat have observed lower turnout subsequently in 2017 and 2022, whereas other states which had undergone the election have demonstrated increasing turnout. The paper explores the declining tendency among the Gujarat electoral and associates the drop in turnout with the gender gap. The paper reviews women’s voting behavior in Ahmedabad and undertook a sentiment analysis of the Gujarat Assembly elections. It implies that the decline in women’s voter turnout may have been influenced by the lack of women- centric messages in electoral and political campaigning. The study recommends inducing women and their issues in campaigning messages to enhance message interactivity which may lead to an improvement in women’s turnout.
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The presidential and parliamentary elections in Turkey that took place in May 2023 will be etched in history as a defining moment where everyone faced defeat. Among the defeated the biggest losers were the opposition political blocs. The election results revealed a notable decline in votes for the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP); however, Erdoğan maintained his popularity.
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The presidential and parliamentary elections of May 2023 were expected to mark Turkey’s long-awaited return to democracy. There were many indicators to justify this anticipation: Not only was the AKP government facing an accelerating economic and institutional crisis of its own making. The opposition appeared to be well-organized, audible, visible, and ready for the fight. The actual outcome however was one of utter devastation. President Erdoğan emerged victorious and enabled to tighten his grip over the state and society, even though his party, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) lost votes. But the elections also triggered a series of post-election scandals and controversies within the opposition and particularly the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP) that suggest that much of this buoyant mood in the opposition was, in fact, based on manipulations, dirty deals, and what increasingly appears to be a cynical party leader and a cabal of power-hungry cadres.
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On 14 May Turkish voters headed to polls to elect a new president and parliament for a five-year term. For many observers of Turkish politics, the 2023 elections were the opposition's best chance to unseat President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan since his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) was first voted into power in the November 2002 elections. Weakened by high inflation, intra-party fissures, and devastating earthquakes in February, Erdoğan's ruling People Alliance met with a strong challenge by an opposition pre-electoral alliance that nominated a joint presidential candidate; achieved partial coordination in parliamentary lists and ran a joint campaign. An opposition alliance that fielded joint candidates in the 2019 local elections had already defeated the ruling People's Alliance candidates in several of the country's most populous metropolitan areas and set its eyes for the presidency since then.
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The extreme nationalist ideology of the Turkish far-right has played a crucial role in Turkey’s politics for decades. In the 2023 elections, it proved to be decisive. This was a new development. For much of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's two decades in power, electoral success seemed to depend on the precise opposite: wooing Kurdish voters—or, at least, maintaining political conditions in which those voters would not see their interests as better served by alliance with his main opponents, the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, CHP). Following Erdoğan’s 2018 reelection, however, the CHP successfully courted the main party representing Kurdish nationalism, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi, HDP). It also gained support from those elements of the Turkish far-right that opposed Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). Heading into the May 2023 elections, it appeared that the CHP had crafted a formidable electoral coalition.
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What is the future of the left in Turkey? Any answer to this question will have to begin by reckoning with the failure of the opposition, including the left, in the last general and presential elections held in May 2023. 21 years into its rule, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), and its leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, secured yet another victory in arguably one of the most critical elections in the history of the country. This was a victory that was hard to explain at first sight. Turkey has been going through a terrible economic crisis, inflation at 85% at the end of 2022 and the Turkish lira hitting record lows. The country had also faced a devastating earthquake just three months earlier, which revealed, beyond doubt, the extent of the decay and corruption in public services in the state’s inadequate response, and the human and environmental costs of AKP’s economic policies. There were thus the conditions for mobilizing a strong opposition, especially a leftist one, which was also potentially best suited to appeal to the vast majority of the society who had to face a severe cost of living crisis on a daily basis.
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Turkish-Greek relations are a complex, volatile and at times unpredictable security issue that has troubled the western alliance since the Cold War. The Cyprus issue, the treatment of the religious minorities and the disputes related to the law of the sea have played a dominant role in the formation of foreign policies and defence doctrines. The two countries have gone through crises, a few of which brought them to the brink of war, but have also experienced positive stints. In the post-Cold War years, relations resembled a roller-coaster ride, while the role of the EU towards the end of the 1990s was instrumental in the 1999 Greek-Turkish rapprochement. In 2004 it suffered two significant blows. First, was the rejection of the Annan Plan by the Greek-Cypriots in April and in December the Greek PM K. Karamanlis and his Turkish counterpart R.T. Erdoğan retracted on the Helsinki commitment to refer the outstanding maritime disputes to International Court of Justice. Despite these setbacks, the two countries enjoyed a rather calm 15 year long period, where trade and economic cooperation bloomed. Since 2019, relations rapidly deteriorated due to the complications from the discovery of natural gas fields in the east Mediterranean Sea and specifically those within Cyprus’s EEZ, the rise within AKP rhetoric of the “Blue Homeland” doctrine, which promotes views of Turkish naval hegemony, and the complications of the refugee and migration issue.
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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 marked a tectonic shift in the European Union’s (EU) perception of the world. Although one might argue that the change in the EU’s security environment had started a decade ago with turbulences in its neighborhood, the invasion of Ukraine by Russia has brought the era of multilateralism to an end. While the world continues to be multipolar with competing power centers, international relations ceased to be multilateral in the aftermath of the invasion of a sovereign state (Ukraine) by a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council-UNSC (Russia). This fundamental change in international relations is also reflected in the EU’s Strategic Compass adopted in the shadow of the war in March 2022.
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