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Tokom predizborne kampanje za Opšte izbore 2014. godine, bilo je veoma malo obećanja u vezi s ljudskim pravima. Kompletna sfera poštivanja i zaštite ljudskih prava, bila je ignorisana ili potisnuta u drugi plan, u odnosu na etnonacionalne slogane i nacionalističku retoriku. Predstavnici partija su opravdano i očekivano, najveću pažnju posvećivali rastućim ekonomsko-socijalnim problemima i pitanjima, ali, s druge strane, ljudska prava su spominjali tek površno, bez jasnih ciljeva, ili isključivo kao pitanje koje predstavlja jedan od uslova u procesu evropskih integracija. U skladu s tim, bilo je skoro nemoguće zabilježiti spominjanje pojmova kao što su LGBT osobe, zaštita od diskriminacije na osnovu spola, rodnog identiteta ili seksualne orijentacije.
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The upcoming round of Albanian general elections, expected on June 23rd of 2013, will be the ultimate test for Albanian democracy, in a context of high polarization and volatile stability. The elections come after a series of previous electoral processes highly contested and which have produced political crisis, boycott and grave incidents. Should Albania fail once again to carry out democratic elections’ process with standards verified by international observers and outcomes accepted by domestic political actors, the consequences shall be all too weighty for a country that is a member of NATO and aspires to get to EU candidate status. // First and foremost the elections will be crucial for the political stability which is a precondition for the development of Albania. // This study, which goes beyond an academic curiosity has two important objectives. First it strives to show the degree of correspondence between political and media rhetoric and the real citizen agenda mapped in this survey as a constellation of concerns, expectations, beliefs and desires. Second it attempts to make political parties and political actors aware of the degree of this correspondence or rather as this study will show discrepancy. AIIS believes that instigating public discourse over the real citizen agenda will have a positive effect on a better linkage between citizen interests and political platforms contributing to democracy and to future better governance.
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On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters.
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The dominant force in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada, elected in March 2002, are the deputies of "One Ukraine", a fraction of the pro-presidential centre. "One Ukraine" has refused to admit any of the opposition's representatives (either from the right or left wings) into the parliament's presidium, but has accepted opposition-appointed heads of many parliamentary commissions. Viktor Yuschenko's "Our Ukraine", which has been the largest parliamentary fraction since June, attempted to proclaim itself the centre of the parliamentary majority, but its policy was awkward and inconsistent, and the main success of this club was that it didn't break up. Viktor Yuschenko's moves have been particularly incoherent and they undermined the image of Yuschenko as Ukraine's future leader, created throughout the course of the electoral campaign.In autumn, the main oligarchic groups and their representative fractions ("One Ukraine", which proved to be a useless instrument, was dissolved in June), reached a compromise with the president. It was agreed that the new prime minister should be a Donetsk clan representative (Viktor Yanukovych), and that the Dnipropetrovsk clan should appoint the president of the National Bank of Ukraine (this position went to Serhij Tihipko). The Kyiv clan obtained the President's Administration (Viktor Medvedchuk was appointed in spring) and a considerable number of parliamentary commissions. The president's interests in the government are to be protected by Mykola Azarov, former Head of the State Tax Administration. This compromise "package" was designed to secure the shares of the main oligarchic clans in the power and the president's strong position as mediator.
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6 kwietnia amerykańska administracja Donalda Trumpa wprowadziła kolejne, dotkliwe sankcje przeciwko Rosji, które objęły 24 osoby i 14 firm: rosyjskich oligarchów, kontrolowane przez nich koncerny, wysokich urzędników państwowych i szefów państwowych koncernów oraz (ponownie) rosyjski państwowy koncern zbrojeniowy Rosoboroneksport. Ich doraźną konsekwencją ekonomiczną są spadki na rosyjskiej giełdzie i osłabienie rubla oraz problemy finansowe objętych sankcjami firm, szczególnie należących do oligarchy Olega Deripaski. W dłuższej perspektywie rosyjskim oligarchom i ich koncernom, prowadzącym rozległą aktywność za granicą, sankcje utrudnią funkcjonowanie, w rezultacie zwiększy się ich zależność od Kremla. Z drugiej strony Kreml będzie miał rosnące trudności w rekompensowaniu wybranym oligarchom ponoszonych strat, co będzie prowadzić do wzrostu napięć wewnątrz elity i wzrostu społecznego niezadowolenia, co zwiększy koszty funkcjonowania reżimu Putina.
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Ruling party Likud remains the front-runner in the 17 September elections. However, its leader, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has less chance to form a government than after the last vote in April. Polls show both the current right-wing coalition and the opposition dead even. If none of the blocs obtains a coalition majority, the establishment of a national unity government by the largest parties might be a way out of the political deadlock.
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Rządząca partia Likud pozostaje faworytem zaplanowanych na 17 września wyborów. Jednak jej lider – premier Benjamin Netanjahu – ma mniejsze szanse na sformowanie rządu niż po poprzednim, kwietniowym głosowaniu. Sondaże wskazują na wyrównany wynik obecnej prawicowej koalicji i ugrupowań opozycji. Jeśli żaden z bloków nie uzyska większości koalicyjnej, wyjściem z politycznego impasu może okazać się powołanie rządu jedności narodowej przez największe partie.
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The elections to the European Parliament showed that smaller parties in the Bundestag, mainly the Die Linke (The Left) and the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), are threatened with increasing marginalisation at the federal level. Growing competition from other groupings has made it increasingly difficult for them to attract new voters. In an extreme scenario, they may not cross the electoral threshold in future parliamentary elections.
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Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego pokazały, że mniejszym partiom w Bundestagu – lewicowej die Linke i liberalnej FDP – grozi postępująca marginalizacja na poziomie federalnym. Rosnąca konkurencja ze strony pozostałych ugrupowań sprawiła, że coraz trudniej będzie im pozyskać nowych wyborców. W skrajnym scenariuszu mogą one nie przekroczyć progu wyborczego w wyborach parlamentarnych.
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Opracowania zawarte w niniejszym tomie odnoszą się do trzech podstawowych grup zagadnień: strategicznego ukierunkowania poszczególnych kampanii, roli pełnionej w strategiach komunikacyjnych przez media masowe oraz personalizacji kampanii (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ekspozycji kampanijnej kobiet pełniących rolę liderów politycznych/twarzy kampanii). (fragment wstępu)
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The survey was conducted on 1960 subjects and measured the intention to participate in parliamentary elections, the option to vote, confidence in political leaders, opinion on certain issues of public interest.
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Exit-poll made on 538 inhabitants of the city. He measured the votes cast in the local elections in Eforie at the City Hall, the Local Council, the County Council, the Presidency of the County Council.
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The publication presents a critical view on various institutions of electoral law and their functioning in the context of the 2018-2020 elections and the accompanying changes to the law, as well as the situation caused by the pandemic and the problems resulting from the organization of the free elections in extraordinary conditions. The authors analyse classic electoral law issues such as the principles of electoral law (the principle of free elections in particular), citizens’ electoral rights, electoral bodies, the election process, the election campaign, election control, or legislative silence. Many texts, whose authors are young researchers in constitutional law from different academic centres, contain the assessment of legal regulations in force in Poland in accordance with international standards, especially those set by the Council of Europe, as well as the de lege ferenda demands, which aim at improving existing electoral procedures and ensuring that the elections to representative bodies are fully democratic.
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The book analyses the course and results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2019. The pre-election status of Ukrainian society, its interests, requests for new politicians, and social needs are characterized. A comparative analysis of the candidates’ programs for the post of President of Ukraine and the status of people’s deputy is carried out. Innovative trends in the use of election technologies are evaluated. The probable prospects of Ukraine for the election results are outlined.
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The study analyzes the features and stages of the formation and development process of political parties in Ukraine in the period from late 1990 to early 2020. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of renaming parties (which contributed, among other things, a kind of artificial increase in as well as program goals and proclaimed ideals), the specifics of the emergence in their environment in a period of multi-party "personal", nominal and regional parties, destructive (mostly) phenomenon of the emergence and functioning of parties whose names duplicate the names of chronologically earlier political formations, the activity of which for one reason or another has already come to an end, etc.
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2006 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS: CONDITIONS, ACTORS, AND IMPLICATIONS // 1. THE FACTORS THAT WILL INFLUENCE THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN // 2. POLITICAL PARTIES AND VOTERS AT THE START OF THE CAMPAIGN // 3. EXPECTED CONDUCT AND RESULTS OF THE ELECTIONS // 4. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS // UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE START OF THE 2006 ELECTION CAMPAIGN // THE 2006 ELECTION CAMPAIGN IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS // THERE WILL BE NO LARGESCALE DIFFUSION AND REDISTRIBUTION OF THE BODY OF ORANGE AND BLUEWHITE VOTERS // THE FORMAT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND PUBLIC DEMAND FOR RECONCILIATION // WILL PROMOTE A TEMPERATE AND CONCILIATORY CAMPAIGN // UKRAINIAN VOTERS, JUST LIKE VOTERS IN THE WEST, ARE PRIMARILY INTERESTED IN DOMESTIC, NOT FOREIGN AFFAIRS // I HOPE THAT AFTER THE ORANGE FOG HAS CLEARED AWAY, UKRAINIAN VOTERS WILL BE READY FOR A MORE DIFFICULT BUT MORE CONSCIOUS CHOICE // IF THE LEAD POLITICAL FORCES ABSTAIN FROM SPECULATIONS ON DIFFERENCES, UKRAINE WILL HAVE A CHANCE TO IMPLEMENT THE PRINCIPLE “SUCCESS THROUGH DIVERSITY” // THE 2006 ELECTIONS WILL BE THE MOST DEMOCRATIC IN THE HISTORY OF INDEPENDENT UKRAINE // UKRAINE’S ELECTIONS: THE EXTERNAL FACTOR // ELECTIONS 2006: RIFT LINES AND SCENARIOS // SPECIFICITY OF ELECTORAL SPIRITS DURING THE 2004 ELECTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN-2006 // UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES
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Nedavno održane parlamentarne izbore u Crnoj Gori dominantno karakterišu (1) visoka izborna izlaznost i motivacija birača unutar (2) kreirane klime naglašenih političkih tenzija, nepovjerenja i neizvjesnosti i, (3) sam izborni rezultat koji je, zahvaljujući sinergiji koju je proizvelo okupljanje opozicije u tri izborne kolone, doveo do tijesne pobjede opozicije. Istraživanje Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) i fondacije Friedrich Ebert (FES), koje je prethodilo izborima, nije imalo namjeru da se direktno bavi izbornim prognozama, akterima i njihovim šansama. Ono je imalo dubinski karakter i u njegovom fokusu su bili građani i građanke Crne Gore – njihovi politički stavovi i vrijednosti, percepcije realnosti, stepen (ne)povjerenja prema društvenim i političkim akterima i institucijama, kao i lična očekivanja, strijepnje, strahovi i nade. Građani i građanke nijesu neposredni kreatori promjena, niti se najčešće na osnovu njihove izborne odluke može predvidjeti sastav i struktura buduće vlasti. No, oni jesu snaga koja može, bar posredno, mijenjati scenu i (postizborni) tok radnje i zaplete na njoj. Zato svako ko je ozbiljan politički igrač, i još pretenduje da bude analitičar, mora da pomno analizira i njihove, najčešće, nedorečene, pa i kontradiktorne poruke. Ovo se posebno odnosi na zemlje poput Crne Gore, u kojoj do političke promjene dolazi nakon tri decenije neprekinute vlasti jedne strukture i u kojoj su već stasale generacije koje ne pamte drugu vladajuću partiju, niti vrijeme u kojem predsjednik te partije i njeno oličenje, Milo Đukanović, nije bio ključna politička figura.
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Fidesz’s overwhelming victory in the parliamentary elections on 3 April has consolidated its dominance on the Hungarian political scene. The party, which has been in government for twelve years, defeated the united opposition and won a super majority. Viktor Orbán will become prime minister for the fifth time, and the fourth in a row (his previous terms ran from 1998 to 2002 and from 2010 to 2022). The crushing defeat for the opposition, which had for the first time agreed to run on a joint electoral list and to stand candidates in single-member constituencies, has demonstrated the shortcomings of this model of cooperation. The biggest loser is Jobbik, one of the key members of this bloc. Not only did it win far fewer seats than in previous elections, but the breakaway members of this party – the far-right, pro-Russian Our Homeland party – have entered parliament for the first time. Despite its total political dominance, however, Fidesz is facing a difficult term.
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Elections to the unicameral Estonian parliament, the Riigikogu, on 5 March were won by the Reform Party, the largest of the governments so far, which will probably form a coalition with the liberal Eesti 200 and the Social Democratic Party (SDE). Its success was determined by high activity in support of Ukraine after the Russian aggression. The new government will maintain this approach and will further strengthen transatlantic and regional cooperation, especially in the field of security.
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