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The aim of this paper is to analyse the issue of memory through tools for storing linguistic data (terminological databases, parallel corpora, thesauri, glossaries and dictionaries) deployed in the context of the translation of EU legislation. On the one hand, we present an overview of the tools used within the EU, distinguished by a complex and highly specific linguistic regime, currently including 24 official languages. On the other hand, we review the preparations and implementation of various tools in the former Serbo-Croatian countries, namely the language framework of their accession to the EU. Within the BCMS languages, a parallel has to be drawn between Croatia, which has been a member of the EU since 2013, with the most developed mechanisms in this area, of the one part, and Montenegro, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, of the other part.
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One of the highly productive morphological processes in language is euphemisation. Motivated by taboo, it represents a significant means in contemporary day to day discourse in search for alternative language expressions suitable for each individual’s sensibility. Euphemisms should be studied not only from linguistic aspect, but socio-cultural as well since language impacts culture and our attitude towards social problems; it also shapes our ontological and ethical reality. The goals of this paper are to identify and analyze euphemisms for the term immigrant that can be found in political articles in the most prominent daily newspapers in Great Britain and The United States which deal with immigration in the sense of determing their connotative meaning (positive, neutral, negative), then to confirm equivalency in their use in British and American press, and wider, in British and American varity of English, and, finally, to determine their frequency in the language corpus (Corpus of Contemporary American English).
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African voices and experiences have been erased from the canon of mainstream IR theory, and even in well-intentioned accounts that take the power dynamics between the developed and underdeveloped world into account. This is a product of a worldview that sees the European experience of modernity as a template for what the world should look like. Denying the experiences of slavery, colonialism and imperialism as pivotal in understanding international relations, as well as refusing to acknowledge the philosophical and intellectual contributions of African thinkers, and the agency of African actors, is detrimental to our understanding of the international, and to IR. There is a new generation of young intellectuals, including women from the Global South, who are rewiring the African experience and offering new theoretical insights.
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The purpose of this discussion is to test the hypothesis that politicians attempt to construct their own political identity in argumentation by dint of some strategic maneuvering and as a part of their verbal interaction with their audience. Pragmatic markers seem to assist in this entire communicative process. Empirical findings are based on the one-million-word Corpus of English Argumentation (CEA). The data analysis provides important illustrations, in which pragmatic markers contribute to the dialogical sphere of argumentative discourse and to the political identity construction in interpersonal communication.
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The use of certain personal pronouns and the person of the verb, i.e. personality, may encode a political ideology and answer the question of whether it is personality-driven politics, politics of group identity or politics based on the polarisation of the positively self-presented in-group and the negatively presented out-group. With this in mind, we explain the use of the pronoun I and the verbs in the first person singular on a corpus of the budget debate conducted in the Parliament of Montenegro in 2009. Comparing the spontaneous discourse of rebuttals with that of parliamentary speeches, which has been prepared in advance, we conclude that there are considerable differences between the two, suggesting that MPs consciously avoid the use of the I-perspective, i.e. that they are aware of the significance of personality and the role that language plays in the creation of political reality. Thus, the first person singular verbs are prevailingly used as metadiscourse.
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Polarisation is entrenched in political discourse. This polarization results from the process of diverse positioning, i.e., dividing discourse participants into several opposing groups. Political discourse and, through it, political reality are therefore constructed on oppositions of „us“ vs. „you“ and „us“ vs. „them“. The aim of this paper is to present the referential strategies involved in the construction of polarisation in British, American and Montenegrin broadcast political interviews. The results suggest that some political cultures are personality-driven, whereas other favour the collective.
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This study aims to highlight the way in which the use of social media in political communication generates a reconfiguration of the persuasive communication process of the political message. The main objective of the paper is to provide an understanding of the emerging role of social media in political participation, which is based on an empirical research of an exploratory nature, thus with inherent limits. The way in which the persuasive political message is adapted to the target audience under the conditions of social media use is investigated. More specifically, my research aims to answer the following questions: To what extent has the persuasive political message been transformed through the use of social media, as an expression of digitalization? To what extent have the ways of political communication changed with the use of social media (if they have changed)?
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Analysis of the three online news channels – Komsomolskaya Pravda (KP), Regnum, and TV Zvezda – revealed a range of approaches used in Russian information campaigns to construct a negative image of Ukraine. Although the three channels under scrutiny do not represent the entire spectrum of the Russian media, the study nevertheless shows how an anti-Ukrainian approach can take different stylistic forms and rely on various nuances. By using different channels with different approaches, Russia’s information warfare manages to cater for different audiences with different tastes and needs for media consumption.
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The case of MH17 is an example of what Uku Arold, Estonian expert in strategic communications, calls the Russian information operations ‘data deluge method’. Russia has used this method of information warfare in other cases to overwhelm people with controversial and/or conflicting information. The purpose is to disorientate the target audience.
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The following examples describe the anti-Ukrainian stance of Komsomolskaya Pravda.
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The German general, professor of political science, and progenitor of the Bundeswehr leadership concept of Innere Führung, Wolf Graf von Baudissin (1907−1993), reached a striking conclusion a result of his deliberations on the nature of war. He found that war is a spiritual activity by nature and the underlying reasons for war can be attributed to clashing worldview. In this conflict, the country or alliance of countries with the superior worldview will emerge victorious. Baudissin further proposed that the victor will be the western worldview. As bold as this assertion may be, the most surprising feature to emerge from his reflections is that Baudissin does not place any importance on armaments races or technological supremacy, but rather emphasized the mental dimensions of conflicts. Thus it is the smarter, and not the stronger who will win. In this war of worldviews, supremacy is achieved by adopting a correct leadership philosophy. Although Baudissin was reflecting on his own era, the developments that have occurred over the last decades confirm his theories with astonishing precision. It is therefore, possible to apply his findings to more recent conflicts as well. When considering that in the war between worldviews “only such armed forces will survive that are composed of free citizens and that operate in accordance with the democratic order of a state”.1 It becomes evident that a military organization must be aligned with traditional Western humanistic and democratic values of peace, freedom, and responsibility. It is only then can it achieve military superiority. A soldier is only as strong as the society that they defend. A society must be in harmony with its armed forces if a soldier is to be effective.
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On March 5, 2016, Jānis Sārts, director of NATO’s Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence, based in Riga, Latvia, told the Observer that Russia had a track record of funding extremist forces in Europe, and that he believed there is now evidence of Russia agitating in Germany against Merkel.
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Europska unija kao kompleksna nadnacionalna organizacija – nastala, dakako, u europskom kontekstu – zajednica je različitih kultura, jezika i nacija. Premda proklamira nadnacionalni identitet, Europska unija ne odustaje od nacionalnog pa čak niti od regionalnog identiteta, što dokazuju i neki regionalni jezici koji imaju status službenih jezika u regijama zemalja članica, a koji se odlukom Vijeća ministara 2005. godine počinju koristiti i u europskim institucijama (primjerice baskijski, katalonski i galicijski). Europska je stvarnost uistinu kompleksna s obzirom na svoju jezičnu, historiografsku, kulturnu i političku raznolikost, tj. na pluralizam identiteta, multikulturalizam i multilingvizam.
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Observed as a communicational and cultural phenomenon produced by the media, the dialogue as a means of mediation gets a manipulative form. Contrary to genuine dialogue as a communication model that advocates tolerance, the postmodern media dialogue ranges from the concept of unity to an irreconcilable rivalry, from resolving problems to highlighting differences, and often becomes a monologized dialogue. The paper examines the significance of dialogue and monologue, starting from various aspects of dialogue, through the possibility of its survival from the point of view of communion or potential conflict, to the interaction as the illusion of a dialogue.
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No one is able to elude the media, ignore them, or, indeed, protect themselves from their impact. Should we accept McLuhan’s assertion that, aside from mass media, we are all also influenced by games, numbers, clocks, films, etc; then it becomes apparent why the effects of the media, or the so called media reality, form the fulcrum of researchers’ interest in communication studies. Effect of mass media and communications on the society and the degree of that influence, have been the subjects of great debate among communication scholars with decades. The article elaborates different theorists who focus their debate on the modality through which it would be possible to empirically gauge the impact and effects of mass media on public opinion and on the beliefs and behaviour of media consumers. Its focus on the effects of the media on the citizens that cause a weakness in society and illnesses within the democratic process, such as political apathy, alienation, cynicism, destruction, confusion, illusions, and even fear. Using the secondary analysis, the article particularises some claim that the media and, first and foremost, television, privatize people and alienate them from each other and in this way, with the help of the media, a society is created in which people are frightened, disoriented, alienated, and isolated.
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In the aftermath of World War I, the science of sociology started investigating propaganda, focusing its research on persuasion and the effects it has on the public in altering their views. Sometime later, as a consequence of Goebbels’s propaganda machinery, it became a “dirty” word to describe how reality was manufactured by that machinery over the course of World War II. After the war, the term military -propaganda was replaced with the words -communication, -persuasion, and -information, which were intended to encompass the development of new communication technologies while softening the negative impression that the “dirty” word propaganda was giving out. Propaganda is a form of communication aiming to elicit a reaction to suit the objectives of the propaganda maker, whereas persuasion is most often presented as an interactive process in which both sides (the persuader and the persuadee) win. This is the key difference that theoreticians emphasize when defining the two models and when analyzing the causes for the auditorium altering its opinion. Propaganda in journalism is being explored as a process to manage news, as well as distort and spin information, by highlighting only positive aspects to the public. In political science, propaganda is considered a constituent part of the ideologies that political actors espouse, while also being analyzed in the context of the influence it can have on public opinion and mass culture. Latest trends deal with the ideological grounds of propaganda and how these ideological signifiers form part of the hypotheses that media agendas put forward (Burnett, 1989: 127–137).
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The media professionals, in their daily reporting, should be committed to respecting the human rights and the different cultural values. This obligation stems out of the doctrine for the social responsibility of the media. The nature of the profession comprises principles of conduct and specific rules that should be respected by the media workers. This set of ethical rules is known as a professional code of conduct, or journalistic canons that encompass media freedom, responsibility, independence (in every sense), reliability and trustworthiness. Most of the foreign influential media have developed and are governed by ethical codes or guidelines for reporting in specific situations. In Macedonia, however, the general impression is that most of the media, in their reporting, are not committed to the generally accepted ethical standards, which can be observed by the numerous examples of dominant reactive journalism, bipolar reporting and destruction of the journalistic ethics. One of the reasons for this situation is the absence of the written documents (codes of conduct and ethics) that would lead the journalists in their reporting. The only known document is the Code of Journalists of the Republic of Macedonia, but overall, its principles are not abided by the journalists. This paper, by considering the situation in thirty relevant media in Macedonia, analyses the current situation and recommends further action taking into account the positive experiences of the influential world media. The recommendations and conclusions are aimed at developing ethical codes and principles for reporting in specific situations, as well as encouraging their full implementation in practice.
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This paper is founded on the hypothesis that the reporting of foreign policy by the Macedonian daily newspaper Vecher in 2013, is greatly influenced by the global media. The 1983 media materials are radically different due to the fact that there was little to no influence from such media giants. We begin the study by using the method of quantitative content analysis. The data analyzed was gathered over a four month period, using the issues printed from the years 2013 and 1983. The most frequently used sources of information in 2013 were foreign national and regional media, while the most quoted source of information in 1983 was the Yugoslav news agency Tanjug. International reports from the leading Macedonian newspaper in these two different time periods are mostly geared toward information about actual events that were happening on the northern continents and regions of the Earth.
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The accelerated development of the information society from the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century had a direct impact on the media and media communication. Traditional media (press, radio, television) and one-way communication with the audience are increasingly being replaced by new, digital media, by a platform that enables the interactivity of audience in communication. The Internet as a new medium and a platform for new media communication has offered a new way of communicating with an audience that is no longer a passive recipient of information but an active participant in the process. The interactivity of audience through new media forms of expression (portals, social networks, blogs, vlogs) is a basic feature of modern communication. This paper aims at analysing, through defining the Internet as a new medium, new media forms of communication that have involved the audience in the interactive exchange of information and opinions, and thus completely and irreversibly changed the organisation and functioning of the media. The paper primarily examines new forms of media communication conditioned by a new media, digital-platform based environment. The analysis shows that new media communication has opened the space for an audience to become an active participant in public communication, thus directly affecting certain spheres of social life. At any moment, every individual can be a media content producer and interactive participant in new media communication.
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