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The author offers normative justification and contextual analysis of the possibilities for the establishment of constitutional patriotism in Montenegro. General characteristics of constitutional patriotism as a political strategy of integration are firstly given, and then the possibilities of its establishment in Montenegrin society are considered. The text starts with the civic character of the state as a presupposition for the establishment of constitutional patriotism and describes the advantages of constitutional patriotism in relation to other strategies of political integration. At the end the contextual restrictions and obstacles are pointed out, as well as presuppositions for the establishment of constitutional patriotism.
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This paper aims to present decivilizing processes from the point of view of Beck’s risk society and the theory of reflexive modernity. Decivilizing processes in the risky society have been divided into two groups. The first group consists of risks facing the world today, terrorism, the spread of nuclear weapons of mass destruction, increasing social inequality. The other one are risks as anticipated decivilizing processes, those that are projected to the future, climate change as well as risks associated with technological development, especially genetic engineering and artificial intelligence. The key thesis is that we need a future-oriented planetary ethics of responsibility (Hans Jonas’s „Imperative of Responsibility”) to protect nature and to save future generations.
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Following political language of Alexis de Tocqeville, the paper provides the analysis the paradox of democracy analyzing the interaction between centralization of political power in democracy and democratic deficit. That kind of deficit produced by fear of restauration is articulated in the absence of people trust in freedom, courage and ability to change present state of affairs. In such climate the servitude is basic political virtue.
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This paper is a critical examination of an attempt to use the idea of deliberative democracy in resolving the conflict between proceduralism i substantivism in constitutional legal theory. The essence of this attempt is in the belief that reasoned argument is possible and that from it may flow a democratic outcome for reasonable people otherwise divided by their adherence to different religious and moral teachings. This paper discusses the attempt by Gutmann and Thompson presented in their book Democracy and Disagreement, which assumes that deep moral divisions are a permanent mark of modern societies. There is in the deliberative procedure, according to Gutmann and Thompson, a ‘dynamic interacton’ between procedure and outcome, i. e. between the principles which determine the procedure and the principles which represent the content of constitutional norms, whereby the paradox of constitutional democracy is overcome because the content of the deliberative outcome is determined both by the procedure which is an expression of the will of the people and by constitutional checks which are an expression of universal moral norms. The remaining problems are those pertaining to practical application of the deliberative model of democracy.
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Equal participation of women and men in public and political life is one of the foundations of democratic society. UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women defines discrimination against women as any distinction, restriction or exclusion made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying enjoyment of human rights in all fields, including political life. As one of the signatories of the Convention which is integrated into its Constitution, Bosnia and Herzegovina is obliged to take all appropriate measures in order to implement the Convention. However, BiH has not seriously committed to implementation of the Convention, the evidence of which can be found in the conclusions of the UN Committee for Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women published in November 2019.
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Jednakopravno učešće žena i muškaraca u javnom i političkom životu jedan je od temelja demokratskog društva. Konvencija Ujedinjenih naroda o eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije nad ženama definiše diskriminaciju žena kao svaku razliku, ograničenje ili isključenje na osnovu spola, a što ima za posljedicu ili cilj da ugrozi ili onemogući ostvarivanje ljudskih prava u svim poljima, uključujući i politički život. Kao potpisnica Konvencije, koja je sadržana u Ustavu Bosne i Hercegovine, BiH je dužna da preduzme sve mjere kako bi je implementirala. Međutim, BiH nije tome ozbiljno pristupila, o čemu svjedoče i zaključci UN Komiteta za eliminaciju svih oblika diskriminacije nad ženama objavljeni u novembru 2019. godine. Komitet je iskazao zabrinutost u pogledu podzastupljenosti žena u zakonodavnoj i izvršnoj vlasti na svim nivoima te ukazao na potrebu izmjene Izbornog zakona da se umjesto postojeće kvote od 40% uvede obavezna kvota od 50% žena na kandidatskim listama, kao i izmjene Zakona o Vijeću ministara BiH tako da se garantuje minimalna zastupljenost od 40% manje zastupljenog spola.
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Review of: Victoria Harms - Rethinking Open Society. New Enemies and New Opportunities. Hrsg. von Michael Ignatieff und Stefan Roch. Central European University Press. Budapest 2018. 310 S. 978-963-386-270-4. (€ 27,95.)
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The article presents the results of own research concerningattitudes toward the four selected dilemmas of environmental ethics. Theempirical data was collected by means of a questionnaire in 2014 and2015 on a representative sample of 1000 inhabitants of the Kuyavian andPomeranian province. The respondents were asked to address 16 statementsthat related to some of the issues of environmental ethics including:value of human life in the face of the threat of overpopulation andan ensuing need to reduce the population, validity of human interestsin view of nature’s needs, priorities in environmental protection, as wellas the principle of redress that specifies the extent of compensation ofhuman induced damage to the environment. Each of the mentionedproblems was presented for assessment in the form of four statements adapted in axiological terms to the division accepted in environmentalethics into anthropocentric and biocentric positions.
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In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture,tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in theRussian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. Thepower is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit inrelation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not anexception.From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significantcultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province,which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author seesthis attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin,Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics.The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to thetheoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben,Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler.The author believes that in the space of the Russian province thereis an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the onehand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilismthat has become part of the political philosophy of the Russianprovincial.In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly criticalattitude toward the political power. A person is not more capableof trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His beingincreasingly assumes an existential character.The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise toserious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affectthe specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation ofanarchic attitudes.
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The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plansand projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of thesecond decade of the 21st century and the positions of political partiesregarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesisof the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmesof Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality ofeducational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting educationto the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. Theresearch method used in the article is the analysis of source documents,i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis.The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade ofthe 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: DemocraticLeft Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80(PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party(PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Lawand Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedomand Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement(RN).
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Transformations within national and international policies infl uenced by globalization, cause changes in value systems and related modifi cations in the conditions of functioning of political entities, contributing to their evolution. This publication is an attempt to show new directions in international relations and to show certain regularities that follow periodically, determining the behavior of political participants. The starting point for the research is the indication of contemporary manifestations of nationalism, analysis of progressing globalization and the relationship that exists between them. On this basis will be indicated regularities, which infl uence the shaping of the structure of social support for liberal or nationalist postulates. The publication may contribute to changing the perception of the nature of globalization and understanding the reasons for the increase in support for liberalism and nationalism.
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The World Social Forum emerged at the beginning of the 21stcentury as the leading subject of the alterglobalist movement. It bringstogether movements that oppose neo-liberal globalization and fi ghtagainst the ever-weaker control of citizens over the actions of powerfulnational and supranational entities. As an institution uniting diversegroups excluded from all over the world, it aims to create a platform ofglobal resistance. The innovative dimension of the Forum is to challengethe narrow understanding of alternatives to the current economic andpolitical order and to create conditions for a cosmopolitan policy aimedat grassroots, decentralized and democratic global governance. The aimof the article is to present the characteristics of the World Social Forumas a subject of cosmopolitan politics, to show the challenges ahead andto reveal its political potential.
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This article analyzes the determinants which have an infl uence on the process of spreading i-voting as public innovation. The basis for their interpretation was the Everett M. Rogers’ diff usion of innovation theory. The review of terms: innovation, public innovation, diff usion of innovation and i-voting found in source literature has been made. The attributes of i-voting were a basis for interpretation of its acceptance. This article points out how important role in this process plays the important attributes of innovation and its connection with number of external factors such as political, social and cultural.
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