Mojca Šorn, Pomanjkanje in lakota v Ljubljani med véliko vojno
Review of:M Mojca Šorn, Pomanjkanje in lakota v Ljubljani med véliko vojno, Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, Ljubljana 2020, 303 pp.
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Review of:M Mojca Šorn, Pomanjkanje in lakota v Ljubljani med véliko vojno, Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, Ljubljana 2020, 303 pp.
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The relevance of the research is determined by the importance of studying the state involvement in the organization of the credit system at the grassroots level. This issue has been underrepresented in historiography, so the article provides important insight into it and introduces new documents into scientific circulation. The article is aimed at studying the main features of the small credit system management in the Olonets Province during the post-reform period. Based on the dynamics of its development, one can draw a conclusion about the nature of the penetration of commodity-money relations into peasant communities. Three stages in the development of this system were identified. The first one belongs to the period from the middle of the XIX century to 1904 and is characterized by repeated changes in the government structures to which small credit organizations were accountable. The second stage covers the period from 1904, when the small credit reform was carried out in Russia, until the beginning of 1911. In the Olonets Province, the reform was not fully implemented, since the provincial committee for small loans created here did not have employees who would deal with this issue on a permanent basis. At the third stage, which started with the creation of a branch of the State Bank in Petrozavodsk in 1911, this shortcoming was remedied, as the management of the small credit business in the province was transferred to a special inspection.
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The article aims to define the key elements of the “intellectual demobilisation” in the Franco-German relations of the 1920s. The author proposes his version of the chronology of this process, demonstrates the essential means of the “intellectual demobilisation” and the forms of its realisation, finally, he gives a brief estimate of the results achieved by the end of the first post-WWI decade. By the “intellectual demobilisation”, this article conceives the variety of factors and circumstances linked to the activity of the social, cultural, lobbying organisations, the media, the intellectual associations aimed to lessen the level of mutual animosity and hostility between the French and German societies. Taking into account the paucity of the Russian historical research on this theme, the author tries to define the framework for the more detailed studies in the future. The research concludes that the process of “intellectual demobilisation” in the Franco-German relations of the 1920s developed in the non-linear way. The attempts of reconciliation were rather rare in the first post-WWI years. The perception of the mutual hostility between the French and the Germans dominated. The first ones, as the victors in the First World war, were regarded as revengeful, while the second ones, as the defeated side, were perceived as remaining aggressive and not prepared to bear the burden of the responsibility. The events of 1924-1925 which were marked by the efforts of the rapprochement between Paris and Berlin after the Ruhr crisis and culminated in the Locarno treaties, were critical. As the official contacts became warmer, the activities of French and German intellectuals received a new impulse. Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1930s, the results of this process were contradictory, and the perspectives gave ground for anxiety. It is possible to notice that, even if the attempts to organise the “intellectual demobilisation” between France and Germany after 1918 were not doomed, by the end of the first post-WWI decade, their fruits were fragile, and the potential for further development was limited.
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The Soviet diplomacy just coming into being faced a lot of problems that seemed to be insoluble because of the signing Brest peace treaty. One of them was the returning of about a million and a half military men being in the German captivity. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive RF give the basis for reconstruction of prehistory and signing of the agreement (protocol) about exchange of prisoners of war on the 24-th of June 1918. After failure of bilateral talks in Moscow the problem was transferred into Berlin. The Soviet diplomat A. Ioffe, who had good contacts with the representatives of German Foreign Affairs Office, got down to business. At a decisive moment of the talks he lost the connection with Moscow that made him act at his own risk. Having accepted the German proposals he refused from the formula “everything or nothing” that provided the beginning of the mass exchange of the war prisoners. His unauthorized decision provoked the conflict with People’s commissar for Foreign Affairs V. Chicherin and V. Lenin was involved too. The solution of this conflict became the example of finding mutually acceptable decisions that took into account not only political factors but also personal traits of the two most influential figures of the Soviet Foreign policy in 1918.
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The study is based on published in the early XX century statements in the press, collections of articles and analyzes of the opinion of the liberal intelligentsia on the need to abolish the death penalty in the Russian Empire. The author aimed to complete the following tasks: to consider the worldview and motives of the intelligentsia’s struggle against the death penalty, to characterize the intelligentsia’s perception of the revolutionary period of 1905-1907 and the results of the Russo-Japanese War in connection with the issue of the death penalty, to study the political, legal, juridical arguments used by the opponents of the death penalty. The study presents the views of the conservative and democratic intelligentsia on the existence and application of the capital punishment. The author pays attention to the exchange of opinions in the public space between the Russian and foreign intelligentsia which opposed the death penalty. The study reveals the characteristics of the historical period, internal and external challenges against which the use of the death penalty in the Russian Empire expanded in 1905-1907. The author describes the problematic field of the discussion on the existence of the death penalty: questions about the position of state power, the use of the death penalty as a means against revolutionary terror, the policy that indirectly led to the death of the accused, the presence of a complex of legal and procedural violations in the imposition and execution of the death penalty. The chronological framework of the study is determined by the events of the First Russian Revolution in 1905-1907. The period of the revolution presented a wide range of opinions, including those among liberals. On the one hand, left-liberal views were characterized, firstly, by considering the state as a system consisting of authorities and society, secondly, by the recognition of the right of society to revolutionary methods of struggle, the assessment of the policy of the authorities to expand the use of the death penalty as regressive. On the other hand, conservative-liberal figures accepted the existence of the death penalty but only within the boundaries outlined by law, and fought in the designated direction for the development of legislation, the improvement of procedural law and an exhaustive presentation of the grounds for the application of the death penalty. The liberal intelligentsia attached great importance to the publicity of the punitive policy which had an impact on the authorities. The results of the study lead to the conclusion that the minimum requirement of the intelligentsia was the development and application of strict, objective legality in the field of the death penalty. The maximum goal of the liberal intelligentsia was to achieve in the shortest possible time the complete abolition of the death penalty and the non-execution of the sentences imposed.
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The article compares the scope of topographic maps of Polish territory annexed by Russia, prepared at the beginning of the twentieth century: Kielce and its surroundings. The comparison includes military topographic maps prepared by every country taking part in the partition of Poland – Russia (Dwuwiorstówka), Austria (Spezialkarte) and Prussia (Karte des Westlichen Russlands). These maps have very much in common – their scale, date and purpose of their release were similar. The analysis includes the comparison of, for example, lengths or areas of maps’ topographic elements and the visual comparison of maps and their symbology keys.
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Starting with the first film shows in late 1895, Warsaw experienced a considerable rise of cinema. Like in other places worldwide, this development was conditioned as much by the place’s particularities as by the time. Thus, the article illuminates the growth and scope of the local cinema market against the larger geopolitical context. Furthermore, using a sample for 1911, it maps the cinemas in QGIS, revealing spatial patterns and correlations.
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In this article, we report the results of a comprehensive study of how criminal prohibitions were drafted in the early period of the Soviet rule and what outcomes they are associated with in the Soviet criminal policy of late 1917–1919. To analyze the constructivist paradigm of social phenomenology of law, various methods were used: formal dogmatic, historical and legal, discursive, hermeneutic. A careful investigation of the related normative acts and major doctrinal writings by the most prominent scholars and politicians was carried out. The results obtained prove that the prohibitions enforced by the Soviet state were aimed to develop a new system of criminal justice, thereby upholding law, order, and security. Of special importance is the finding that the principles of criminal law were elaborated in an inductive way despite the attempts to systematize, structure, and revive the past system of criminal legislation. Another interesting conclusion is that the lawmakers of that time were focused on creating a separate corpus of the elements of crime. By having done so, they established the norms of the Special Part of the Criminal Law and contributed a valuable material for subsequent synthesis and compilation of the General Part of Criminal Law. Our research is of particular relevance for both historical and legal studies of the formation of the Soviet criminal policy. It also specifies the use of the constructivist paradigm to explore the history and features of criminal law.
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The article focuses on the poetic devices that are a part of the artistic system of A. V. Amfiteatrov, a well-known publicist and prose writer, a leading feuilletonist of the early 20th century. The subject of the study is his feuilletons of the post-Revolution period published in Russia until August 1918. The paper reveals the political stance of the publicist on the revolutionary events of 1917, his attitude to the February and October revolutions. The paper provides an overview of the themes and plots of Amfiteatrov’s printed speeches of this period - these are the responses to socio-political events and social issues. Further, the paper analyzes specific examples of rhetorical devices from his articles - direct parallels, paraphrases, deliberate citation of works of classical literature. The author’s artistic and ideological goal-setting paradigms are traced; the critical attitude of the author to the post-revolutionary reality that emerges through comic techniques is revealed. The main sources of paraphrases and parallels for Amphiteatrov are, first of all, satirical works from Russian classical literature - N. V. Gogol, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin; as well as G. I. Uspensky, A. P. Chekhov and L. N. Tolstoy, M. Gorky. He extrapolates the quotes and specific situations from these texts onto contemporary reality. The article also provides unknown biographical facts related to the life and work of the publicist in 1917-1918.
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Ștefan Ciobanu, a personality of the Romanian Unification and education, was born on the banks of the Dniester River, at a time when the subjugated Romanian population of the Tsarist Empire did not have the right to learn and use their own language and culture in school and church. He succeeded, by his own efforts, to become a great intellectual, who dedicated himself to the scientific environment, to the propagation of Romanian history and to the education of his countrymen. Ștefan Ciobanu ended up studying in Russian archives, and wrote works on the Romanians of the medieval period, which are still scientific landmarks today. He studied the works of the great scholar Dimitrie Cantemir and the Russian Tsar Peter I the Great. He actively participated in the Unification process, collaborated with the great historian Nicolae Iorga, the patriot Ion Pelivan, Apostol Culea, the politician Constantin Stere, etc. Ștefan Ciobanu was a professor, minister, deputy in Chisinau and Bucharest, member of the Romanian Academy and held important state positions.
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«Реквизиция моего автомобиля… должна быть обставлена законным порядком»: письма П.П.Бекеля в Автомобильный отдел исполкома Петросовета (1918 г.) // Новейшая история России. 2022. Т.12, № 4. С.1078–1088.
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After the defeat of the Romanian army, at the end of 1916, the troops of the Central Powers occupied a significant part of the Romanian territory. On it they established a branched military administration, which strictly controlled the lives of Romanian citizens. The main objectives of the military administration were the economic exploitation of all resources in the occupied territory and the maintenance of a forced climate of tranquillity among the inhabitants.
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This study reveals documentary testimonies regarding the cholera epidemic that haunted the city of Craiova in the second half of 1913. As it is known, the cause of this extremely disturbing disease was the military campaign initiated by the Romanian state in Bulgaria, at the beginning of the summer of that year. In some areas of Bulgaria, cholera had wreaked havoc in previous months, while the Romanian soldiers and the breaches of the military health service contributed to the spread of the terrible scourge among the civilian population after returning to the country, in August. In writing this material I used new information from archive documents, but I also used information from the newspapers of that time in order to identify the spirit and the reaction of the Romanian authorities and public. The epidemic spread to many localities in all areas of Dolj County, with real battles being fought by doctors and authorities to combat it. In spite of all the efforts made, the disease continued to make victims until the beginning of November 1913, when the last case was reported. Therefore, the 1913 summer campaign, ended with the military and political success of the Romanian state, was overshadowed by the sufferings of those infected with the terrible virus, which produced a lot of fatalities.
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The paper is based on reports of the U.S. special representative on duty in Central Europe, Arthur Wood DuBois, on Slovenia and Croatia from December 1919 and May 1920. During his two visits, DuBois made four reports from the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that specifically viewed the situation on Slovenian and Croatian territory, where his interlocutors were leading officials in the Provincial Governments in Ljubljana and Zagreb. His visits took place during two different and politically opposed governments, so DuBois had the opportunity to hear representatives of two political options, the centralists and the federalists. The emphasis of the paper is placed on DuBois’ account of difficulties in foreign policy relations of the Kingdom of SCS and Austria, communist activity, and differences in the political and national characteristics of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.
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Photographically illustrated picture postcards were a leading visual mass medium around and after 1900 that had considerable influence on the formation of tourist attractions, as well as sites of memory and historical images. The postcard industry popularized “worth seeing” landscapes, cities and towns and made them accessible to a wide audience in visual form. As mobile images, some of which traveled great distances, picture postcards established a dense network of communicative visual traces that not only traced tourist routes but also bundled and staged images of history. The article examines historical postcards picturing sites along the Danube as source material for an archaeology of tourist and historical perception in the 20th century. Using selected sites of remembrance, it shows how historically marked places, buildings, and monuments are depicted in the popular iconography of postcards, and it analyzes the ways in which narratives of history found their way into these stagings. It also discusses the larger cultural and political narratives in which the pictorial mass medium of the postcard was embedded. In essence, the question is how the sequence of images of visually staged sites of memory shaped and formed the image of the Danube as a European river and how, conversely, the popular narratives of the river made and continue to make use of historical borrowings and images. Viewed from this historical perspective, the Danube is a projection and narrative space that offers much room for historical digression. However, it is not only a neutral foil that is “played on” by means of historical references, but also a genuine generator of historical narratives.
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Reviews of: 1. After the Peace Treaty of Versailles (1919). New Order of Central Europe. Hrsg. von Burkhard Olschowsky, Piotr Juszkiewicz und Jan Rydel (Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau. Quellen und Studien, Bd. 39.) Harrassowitz Verlag. Wiesbaden 2020. 208 S. ISBN 978-3-447- 11565-0. 2. Central and Eastern Europe after the First World War. Hrsg. von Burkhard Olschowsky , Piotr Juszkiewicz und Jan Rydel. (Schriften des Bundesinstituts für Kultur und Geschichte der Deutschen im östlichen Europa, Bd. 74.) De Gruyter. Berlin 2021, 435 S. ISBN 978-3-11-059715-8.
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Ukrainian Art Nouveau is considered in the context of the pan-European development of Art Nouveau in the architecture of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This stylistic direction is a demonstration of the self-identification of nations. It is hypothesized that the development of Ukrainian Art Nouveau in the architecture of Poltava at the beginning of the twentieth century expresses the identity of the place and national identification of the population, and is a reflection of national consciousness through architecture. This article defines and illustrates the special features of Ukrainian Art Nouveau as a manifestation of national character in the architecture of Poltava at the beginning of the twentieth century. The research was conducted using a cultural studies approach in the context of the general cultural development of the city. The general characteristics of the stylistic development of Poltava architecture at the beginning of the twentieth century are presented, and the place of Ukrainian Art Nouveau in the polystylism of the research period is revealed. The influence of Ukrainian Art Nouveau from the beginning of the twentieth century on the further development of Poltava architecture is analysed.
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In the following article, the author focuses on the historical population censuses in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia. She begins by introducing the legislation and the census method and then analyses the individual censuses and census headings. The final part of the article is devoted to a critical review of the collection and analysis of census data. It explores what the new digital data processing methods allow for and focuses on the importance of methodology.
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In the following contribution, the author analyses the Provincial Assembly appearances of the Lower Styrian deputy Ivan Dečko during his last term (1902–1907). Although the Slovenian side failed to win in the city (at the level of the Provincial and National Assembly; the closest they came to victory was in 1901), the Celje Germans followed the Slovenian national progress with increasing concern. However, the urban elite refused to yield to the Slovenian demands for a grammar school within the city territory. Meanwhile, Dečko apparently “forgot” the decision of the Slovenian politicians not to agree to any compromises in this regard, and he arbitrarily offered a part of his property behind the “city walls” in Gaberje as the location where the Slovenian grammar school could be built. His move turned out to be a perfect tool for the conservatives to attack him and indirectly also the liberals in Celje. Ultimately, this led to the definite end of the Lower Styrian policy of “Concord”.
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The Westphalian system refers to the shifting of the supreme political authority from medieval practices to modern sovereign states and related concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, and international law. While the system has shaped the Western political environment since 1648, it has in fact not been validated for the rest of the world. In this paper, the idea that the Westphalian system has not opened a new avenue in the discipline of International Relations is exemplified by the case of the British occupation of the Mosul Vilayet. Contrary to the terms of the Mudros Armistice and Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, the British illegally occupied Mosul. The occupation was a clear violation of the Westphalian principles and thus the British mandate regime encountered resistance from both the Ottoman Empire and further the Republic of Türkiye. Despite all resistance, Mosul was ceded to the Iraqi government under the British mandate after the war.
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