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The Neuilly Treaty, imposed on Bulgaria by the victors in World War I, was signed on November 27, 1919. This date coincides with the public holiday of the Bulgarian army – the Bulgaria Victory Day, which celebrates the Bulgarian victories in the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885. At the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century it was celebrated on the 15th of November according to the Julian calendar, which was then official for Bulgaria. After the country adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1916, the holiday shifted to November 27. During the First World War it was established as one of the most special Bulgarian holidays and celebrated with military parades, church services and civil celebrations, including in Macedonia and Pomoravia. The article provides evidence that the signing of the Neuilly dictate on the date of the Bulgarian Victory Day was not an accidental coincidence, but a deliberate and sought-after trampling of Bulgarian national dignity in general and of Bulgarian martial glory in particular.
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Present in the political life since 1884, Alexandru Marghiloman stood out, at the turn of the century, as one of the most important leaders of the Conservative Party. Occupying the ministerial portfolios of Justice, Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Finance, “the Wallach Lord” proved to be one of the personalities that marked the elegant and prosperous period called La Belle Époque. He contributed, through his efforts, to the modernization of Romania. The pursuit of his activity, carried out in the Council of Ministers or under the dome of the Parliament, is doubled, in this study, by a careful analysis of his political speeches. I analysed them because I wanted to bring up the fact that his political activity is deeply influenced by a programmatic and ideological dimension and in order to better explain the distance between Marghilomanʼs theory and practice.
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Ottoman Empire took part in the Alliance States, which had been pioneered by Germany during the First World War. It had to sign the Armistice of Mudros on 30 October 1918 when the states he was allied with lost the war. With the seventh article of this treaty, the States of the Entente were granted the right to seize any province of the Ottoman state if they considered there was any situation that would threaten their security. Furthermore, the Ottoman Army was disbanded, receiving its guns and ammunition. Briefly, the Ottoman State had already been ended with this truce. The Allied States began to seize the Straits of Mosul, Iskenderun, Istanbul and Çanakkale, Thrace and Anatolia as of November 1, 1918, on the basis of the terms of this Treaty. Greeks also attacked West Anatolia according to the decision made at the Paris Peace Conference. These invasions proceeded fairly violent. The Greeks spread to Anatolia by burning, robbery, and murder. The occupations started to have the characteristics of annexation. Western Anatolia witnessed numerous humiliating and inhumane massacres. Such occupations have contributed to the awakening of national consciousness and the beginning of the national fight. What had the Greeks done that initiated such strong reactions and triggered the independence movements in Turkey? In order to address this issue, the aim of the article will be to discuss the events that took place during the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia.
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Starting with 1872, Ludovika Military Academy (Magyar Királyi Honvéd Ludovika Akadémia, Ludoviceum, Ludovika-Akademie) was one of the most prestigious institutions that was dedicated to the preparation of officers for the Honved army. In the dualist period, its courses were followed by students coming from historical Transylvania and from the Western provinces, which belonged to Romania after the treaties signed after World War I. Among these students, who in the period 1883–1918 numbered about 580, 17 belonged to the Mosaic religion. Prosopographic studies show that they fit into the socio-economic profile of the Honved officer corps, but they also show the general characteristics of the military career chosen by the Jewish officers in the Austro-Hungarian army, given the small number of career officers and the large number of the reserve contingent. After 1891, no Jewish student from Transylvania was registered at Ludovika, among the causes of this disappearance being the abolition of the courses for reserve officers, but also the manifestation of modern anti-Semitism in Hungarian society.
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Although emigration from present-day Croatia, particularly from Dalmatia, to the United States has often been discussed in papers dealing with the Croatian diaspora and emigration waves, there has been no well-documented analysis of the places of origin, ages of the emigrants, or the dates and causes of their emigration. This paper analyses the intensity of emigration from Dalmatia to the USA in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and information about the immigrants by consulting the Ellis Island Database. Methodology included both descriptive and inferential statistics. A database search by ethnicity (using the parameter "Dalmatian") resulted in 24,901 records. The largest group were young adults (aged 15–26), who accounted for 51.8%. The immigrants were predominantly males from rural settlements on the islands or in the hinterland. The most important push factors were the harsh economic situation (brought about by grapevine pests, underdeveloped industry, the lack of arable land etc.) and the intention to avoid conscription into the Austro-Hungarian Army.
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The paper presents the life and work of Vasile Dumitrescu, a Romanian army officer, born in 1893 in Bucharest, as the son of real estate owner Matache Dumitrescu and of Catinca, the daughter of trader Nicolae Jippa (who was a member of the great Jipa trader family of Şcheii Braşovului, founders of the Sfântul Nicolae Church and of the local Romanian school). He graduated from the Military School of Infantry in 1914 as second lieutenant. He fought in WWI and was promoted lieutenant in 1916 and later captain, in 1917. He received the highest Romanian war decoration, the Order of Mihai Viteazu. He married Emilia Antal, the niece of the first Patriarch of Romania, Elie Miron Cristea, in Toplița, in 1923. In 1927 he was appointed chief of staff of the Romanian Patriarch Elie Miron Cristea, who also held the office of Regent, and later he was an adjutant between 1928 and 1930. Vasile Dumitrescu participated in WWII on the Eastern front, as commander of several infantry regiments. He was promoted to brigadier general on 31 March 1944 and discharged. He was imprisoned during the communist regime. He died in Bucharest in 1970.
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Immediately after the October coup d’êtat of 1917 a question of preservation of historical and cultural heritage of Russia was sharply raised. Many private and state collections were under direct threat of destruction due to sales or melting. Robberies, mass vandalism led to numerous irretrievable losses. Members of the Russian Academy of Sciences realized the course of events and some of them set a question of need to take urgent measures for preservation of the Russian material culture. Academicians S.F. Oldenburg, N.Ya. Marr, V.V. Barthold, a number of other outstanding scientists (P.K. Kozlov), the staff of different museums actively participated in such activity. A.L. Berthier de la Garde (1842—1920), who lived and worked in the Crimea was one of outstanding researchers and collectors of Classical and “Barbarian” antiquities. He appeared in extremely difficult situation because of old age, the state of health and lack of income. At the beginning of 1918 the Taurian Scientific Archival Commission has appealed to the Russian Academy of Sciences to save a unique historical collection of A.L. Berthier de la Garde (1842—1920) and to support the scientist. The Permanent secretary of RAS S.F. Oldenburg has addressed the people’s commissar of education A.V. Lunacharsky with a request to help to resolve this problem, however changes of political powers in Crimea in 1918—1919 have prevented its solution and the most valuable collection has been sold in parts. At the moment a part of collection of Berthier de la Garde is stored in the British museum.
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The issue of control played an important role in communist ideology. The concept of workers’ control was tried by the communists before the October Revolution. Stalinist times played a key role in the history of state control in the Soviet Union. Lenin, although the creator and main ideologist of the newly created state, due to his illness and death shortly after the end of the civil war in Russia, had no opportunity to implement a large part of his postulates. The relatively long, almost 30-year period of Stalin’s rule (1924–1953), and the scope of power he managed to obtain enabled him to implement Leninist ideas according to his own vision. The patterns of state control developed in 1917–1953 were largely reproduced in the following years of the Soviet Union’s existence. Due to the expansion of communism after World War II, they were also taken over by other socialist countries. The purpose of this publication is to show the characteristic features of the various stages of the evolution of the state control system in Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union in 1917-1953, and to indicate the factors that determined these changes.
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This paper first tackles the development of ethnological research beginning with Maksimilijan Vrhovac and ending with the founding of the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts in 1866, when the scientific study of folk life was institutionalised. It mentions the work of Antun Radić as the editor-in-chief of the Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena (Collection of Stories about Folk Life and Customs of the South Slavs). Radić is further the author of the Osnova za sabiranje i proučavanje građe o narodnom životu (Foundation for Collecting and Studying Material on Folk Life), a list of instructions for scholars in order to collect folklore material in a unique way. Nikola Novaković, farmer from Staro Selo near Štefanje, was one of the collectors of folklore material, who wrote following Radić’s instructions. Novaković started his cooperation with Radić and continued it with Dragutin Boranić. The manuscripts were finalised in 1910. Since Novaković wrote nothing about himself in the manuscripts, we owe the knowledge regarding his life to the letters he sent to Boranić, and which are in the safekeeping at the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts. These letters, together with memories of people from Staro Selo, form the basis both for writing this paper and for conducting the study of his life and work.
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This paper presents the structure, business activity and the liquidation of the Slavonian Vicinal Railway in the period from 1892 until 1933 when its liquidation was finalised. The headquarters of the stock company during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was in Budapest and based on the decision of the emergency session of its assembly from 24 May 1923 it transferred to Zagreb. The railway lines of the Company were: Osijek-Našice, Našice-Nova Kapela-Batrina, Pleternica-Požega and Požega-Velika. These railway lines were exploited i.e. managed by the state. During the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy the railway lines of the company were under the jurisdiction of the Traffic Administration in Pecs and in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia they came under the jurisdiction of the Regional Board of the State Railways in Zagreb. Based on the agreement from 7 February 1931 the state bought off the railway lines of the Stock Company of the Slavonian Vicinal Railway and hence the reason for its existence ceased to exist. t. In 1932 the company entered the process of liquidation, the latter ending on 12 April 1933.
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The archive numbers of the German paper Lodzer Zeitung, which was issued in Łódź between 1863–1915, allow presumptions regarding the life in the city of Łódź in the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. The paper prints official announcements and implements this way the plans of the current authorities in the city. The texts show at the same time the multicultural nature of the society in Łódź, which has build the industrial metropolis in the 19th century.The issues of the Lodzer Zeitung are furthermore an important witness to political events in Europe and the world, as well as express the bond of the Germans in Łódź towards their heritage and the city they have devoted their lives to.
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Under German occupation during World War I the civil authorities in Łódź were trying to keep the order in town. The recognition-reconciliation commissions by CKMO (pol. Centralny Komitet Milicji Obywatelskiej) in Łódź were firstly used to deal with the minor crimes. There is a scant archival material and some press releases concerning their activity. The majority of the documented cases dealt with crimes against property. After the occupational courts’ organisation was introduced dealing with the minor crimes was given to the Imperial German Courts of Peace in Łódź. The information about their activity can be found in local press releases and in archival materials in State Archive in Łódź. Most of cases concerned the acts against property, honor and public interest. Among the last type of cases we can find bribery, forgery, violation of customs regulation, currency and commerce regulation.
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Attilio Begey (Bormio, 4 gennaio 1843 – Torino, 25 ottobre 1928) è stato un avvocato e, per vocazione, un grande polonista torinese. Oltre alla sua attività di scrittore fu molto attivo in politica in quanto sostenitore di un’idea di alleanza tra le nazioni italiana e polacca, prima solo sul piano militare e, dopo il 1918, anche su quello economico.
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The existing, largely heterogeneous, religious and ethnic image of Montenegro is a result of profound transformations that have occurred on its territory over the past thousand years. The early medieval Principality of Duklja, with its backbone on contemporary Montenegrin soil, belonged to the Catholic sphere during and after the Schism of 1054. The same was true of neighbouring principalities of Travunia and Zahumlje, which were under the rule of Duklja for much of the 11th and 12th centuries. The metropolis of Bar played the role of the religious centre of the Principality of Duklja, which later became a kingdom. It was also the political pillar of the Vojislavljević dynasty. At the end of the 12th century, the former Duklja, Travunia, and Zahumlje came under the rule of Serbia, whose Orthodox church organisation acquired independent status in 1219. On the other hand, the Archbishoprics of Žiča and Peć, the latter subsequently becoming a patriarchate, were political backbones of the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić. Since it was a period of sharp polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy, the population of Duklja and Zahumlje were almost completely con¬verted to Orthodoxy under Serbian rule. Coastal cities were a significant exception. For practical reasons, they were allowed to keep their autonomous status, including Catholicism. Under the influence of the Republic of Ragusa, Croatia, Bosnia, and the Franciscan Order, Catholicism was partially restored in the western parts of former Zahumlje and some coastal regions of Travunia. However, among the Slavic population of present-day Montenegro, Catholicism persisted only in coastal centres and in part of the settlements that gravitated towards them. Following the disintegration of the Serbian state, largely driven by the Ottoman invasions of the Balkans, as well as the period of change of different state authorities, the coastal areas of Montenegro came under the rule of the Venetian Republic largely during the first half of the 15th century. Subsequent Ottoman conquests reduced the Venetian coastal possessions to tiny, mutually separated enclaves within which Catholics and Orthodox continued to co-exist mostly harmoniously. Throughout the rest of the coast, suffering further losses, this time under the Ottomans, Catholicism was maintained among a minor part of the Slavic population occupying the area surrounding Bar. Further changes in the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro took place under the Ottoman influence. By breaking into certain border areas, Albanians established their definite domination already at the end of the Middle Ages. Furthermore, the mass Islamisation of the Albanian Catholic population encouraged similar processes in the Slavic neighbourhood. Together with neighbouring Herzegovina and northern Albania, Montenegro became a demographic source of mass migration to neighbouring, war-depopulated areas. Among other destinations, migration was directed towards the present-day Sandžak, which was continuously settled by the Montenegrin Orthodox and Muslim population. However, the most far-reaching phenomenon was the formation of sub-Lovćen Montenegro. Having expanded and acquired state capacity, its Orthodox population established a special form of self-awareness. The ethnic differentiation of the Slavic population of Montenegro was closely linked to the religious one. Catholics were firmly oriented towards the West, which was further encouraged mainly by the prevalence of Orthodoxy but also Islam. This orientation, among other things, led to socio-cultural integration into the broader ethnic entity that shared their language and religion and became recognised as Croatian during the processes of nation formation. Since the distinct existence of Orthodoxy complied with the goals of the Serbian dynasty and state since its initiation, certain forms of Serbian proto-national awareness were conceived early among the Montenegrin Orthodox. Over time, it was challenged by the idea of Montenegrin ethnic state. This caused a break in the identity of the Montenegrin Orthodox, which con¬tinues to preclude their final national self-determination. As holders of the Ottoman- Islamic state concept, the Slavic Muslim population of Montenegro was historically strongly distanced from Christian fellow countrymen speaking the same language. At the same time, they identified with the rest of the Slavic Muslim population, most¬ly concentrated in Bosnia, which finally enabled their co-existence with the Bosniak national construct. Given the extreme complexity of the religious and ethnic image of Montenegro and the processes that shaped it, it is expected to raise many important research questions. The attached paper focusses on one of them. Almost the entire area of intertwined relations between Slavic Catholics (Croats) and Orthodox (Serbs/ Montenegrins) was located in the part of the Montenegrin coast that defended itself against the Ottoman invasions during the Venetian rule (eastern Boka Kotorska, the town of Budva, Paštrovići), that is, the part that was liberated from the Ottomans at the turn of the 17th century (western Boka Kotorska, the mountain range of Orjen in its hinterland, Grbalj, the immediate surroundings of Budva). During the subsequent second Austrian rule (1814–1918) the mentioned areas were parts of the Kingdom of Dalmatia and in 1878 they were joined Spič, a part of the Ottoman Catholic–Orthodox zone west of Bar. Since the centre of the whole area was located in the Bay of Kotor, together with Boka, it was also known under the name of Boka Kotorska in the narrow sense. Despite centuries of interaction between Catholics and Orthodox on the ground of Boka, the first comprehensive data which may be analysed to provide a numerical insight into their religious–ethnic relations were obtained from Austrian censuses conducted from the second half of the 19th century. However, until the end of that century, those censuses did not allow for a more accurate image of the ethnic features of Boka and (much of) its settlements. The first to make this possible is the 1900 census. Therefore, by analysing the data provided by that census, the enclosed paper attempts to specify in numerical terms the ethnic relations between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins on the territory of Boka Kotorska, including all its settlements. More precisely, the paper deals with the territory of Kotor district, which included Boka Kotorska at the time. According to available insights, within Kotor district, which occupied 673.79 km², there were 34,115 inhabitants in 1900, of which 9,565 or 28% were Croats and 23,746 or 69.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. There were significant ethnic differences between certain parts of the said district. The mountainous regions of Orjen, inhabited by the Krivošije tribe, were almost completely homogeneous. The area of approximately 200 km² was settled by 2,235 inhabitants, of which 42 or 1.9% were Croats, mostly immigrants, while 2,187 or 97.9% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The situation was similar in the coastal area between Kotor and eastern Spič (Grbalj municipality /without Lješević/, Budva and its immediate surroundings, Paštrovići and three homogeneous Serbian/Montenegrin settlements in the western part of Spič municipality). The area of approximately 210 km2 was occupied by 9,427 inhabitants, of which 368 or 3.9% were Croats and 9,012 or 95.6% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Within that area, Croats lived as indigenous population only in the town of Budva (301) and as a small minority in Kastel Lastva, which was subsequently renamed Petrovac na Moru (21). Boka Kotorska was ethnically heterogeneous in the narrow sense. This applied to the coastal areas of the bay as well as those that were not by located the sea but gravitated towards the Boka coast. The narrow area of Boka occupying approximately 230 km² was inhabited by 21,473 people, of which 8,332 or 38.8% were Croats and 12,390 or 57.7% Serbs/Montenegrins. There was a noticeable difference between the western part of Boka, which had once belonged to the Ottoman Empire, and the eastern part, which used to be under the Venetian Republic. In 1900 the former Ottoman Boka was inhabited by 9,879 people, of which 1,190 or 12.1% were Croats while 8,438 or 85.4% were Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of former Venetian Boka had 11,594 inhabitants, of whom 7,142 or 61.6% were Croats and 3,952 or 34.1% were Serbs/Montenegrins. This formerly Venetian part also consisted of two separate, more or less homogeneous, ethnic entities. One was predominantly Croatian, with 9,458 inhabitants, of whom 7,023 or 74.3% were Croats and 1,935 or 20.5% were Serbs/Montenegrins (many settlements on the Vrmac peninsula/mountain, a part of the sub-Lovćen coastal area, and the towns of Perast, Strp-Lipci, Kostanjica, Đurići, Krašići). The predominantly Serbian/Montenegrin majority counted 2,136 inhabitants; 119 or 5.6% of Croats and 2,017 or 94.4% of Serbs/Montenegrins (Luštica without Krašići, Krtole, Lješevići) Particularly interesting was eastern Spič, occupied by 980 inhabitants, of which 823 or 84% were Croats and 157 or 16% were Serbs/Montenegrins. Eastern Spič should essentially be considered in the context of the remaining Bar coast, which belonged to the Principality of Montenegro at the time. It should be noted that this Montenegrin part of the Bar coast was distinguished not only by the presence of the Croatian and Montenegrin population but also by a strong representation of the Bosniak community. As already pointed out, although relatively homogeneous ethnic entities existed within the Kotor district, including the mentioned entity between Kotor and eastern Spič, precisely its ethnic features, together with those of the immediate surroundings of Bar, allowed the total coastal area between Herceg-Novi and Bar to be perceived as a space of exchange between Croats and Serbs/Montenegrins. The area of Boka Kotorska is one in a series of localities where a heterogeneous ethnic image was historically formed. Such regions are particularly interesting to re¬searchers since the complex ethnic image could only emerge from complex political and social processes. The paper aimed at reconstructing that image according to the results available from the 1900 census. The study focussed on data relating to distinc¬tiveness that providing a basic insight into its features. Such phenomena certainly need to be addressed, as well as the processes they caused. They primarily fostered a special social climate in which one had to pay attention to differences and know how to co-exist with them. The entire Montenegrin coast has extensive experience in this regard. Many problems arose from this experience. Some of them were self-imposed or constituted reflections from the wider social scene or were imported by the immigration of individuals with different cultural and political sensibilities. The fact remains that, even during the worst temptations experienced in the area, despite all the differences and regardless of religion and variable historical conditions, the population of Boka has preserved the ability to co-exist. Although the “set of circumstances” played a role in this, such development was not undermined by the distinctive flexibility of the Montenegrin coastal population, regardless of religion. It manifested itself through centuries of mutual interaction and multiple social ties, including familial ones. This positive heritage and the culture that produced it should also be attributed due importance. Finally, the meaning of Catholicism and Orthodoxy was perhaps best manifested exactly at that level.
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Review of: Kristin Eichhorn - Wojciech Kunicki: Germanistische Forschung und Lehre an der Königlichen Universität zu Breslau von 1811 bis 1918. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Studien zur neueren deutschen Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte. Leipziger Universitätsverlag. Leipzig 2019. 422 S., Ill. ISBN 978-3-96023-261-2. (€ 49,–.)
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Review of: Pascale Mannert - Johannes Staemmler: Lebenserinnerungen eines Posener Pastors (1860-1930). Hrsg. von Olgierd Kiec. (Erinnerung und Biographie der Deutschen aus Polen, Bd. 8.) Freunde der Martin-Opitz-Bibliothek. Herne 2018. 303 S., Ill. ISBN 978-3-923371-44-0. (€ 24,–.)
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Review of: Ibolya Murber - Die ungarische Räterepublik 1919. Innenansichten – Außenperspektiven – Folgewirkungen. Hrsg. von Christian Koller und Matthias Marschik. Promedia Verlag. Wien 2018. 276 S. ISBN 978-3-85371-446-1. (€ 19,90.)
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Violence is a key feature of human social relations, yet it has received comparatively little attention from social scientists. With increasing levels of conflict and violence in the modern world, we started an anthropological research to find the origins and aspects of violence in politics. By studying the writings of great philosophers such as Kant, Hegel, Hume, and Marx we found that there is a confusion between the notions of authority and violence, and that this is the main fault that guided centuries of political thinking. These writings have cultivated certain types of politicians and of ways for accepting the abuse up until present days and it is therefor necessary to point the difference between them.
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