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The analysis of Zsuzsanna Hanna Biró is based on an integrated personnel database that contains registration data for secondary school teachers graduating between 1873 and 1945, and the teachers’ data from the so-called secondary school pocketbooks. There is the attempt to correlate possibilities for becoming a teacher with three sets of variables: a) the structural features of the school (gender and confessional segmentation), b) the role played by cultural capital and the transmitting of professions among factors connected with family socialization, and c) the impact of the choice of higher education studies and gaining a doctoral. A logistic regression analysis proves that becoming a teacher relates to all three sets of variables. Among structural factors, gender separation seems to be the stronger indicator, which, due to the straitened market in which girls’ schools operate, shows a lower chance of female graduates becoming teachers throughout the covered time period. ”Confessional inequality” can only be mentioned in relation to Jewish graduates, and their situation improved only temporarily, in the 1920s, with the opening of Jewish schools. The father’s education was not a substantive indicator. Male teachers usually emanated from families with a low socio-economic status – while a higher proportion of female teachers came from families possessing a high socio-economic status. Transmission of professions played a greater role in any teaching career after the First World War. However, one’s study program has always been able to improve the possibility of one’s getting employment in this time period – which can be especially seen in the case of language faculties. Though having a doctoral degree had no direct influence on someone’s taking up a career, a lack of academic positions did result in the fact that more and more teachers with academic ambitions got a job in secondary schools, which significantly raised the prestige of being a teacher in the first half of the 20th century.
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Emancipation and social engagement facilitated the Central European Jewry’s identification with the modern notion of national identity. During the Great War this often came into conflict with Jewish universalism. Those of Jewish denomination supporting the various national identity notions identified with the war aims and propaganda of the given nation while they tried to find the antetype of the new circumstances in the Jewish past and Judaism.
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During the outbreak of WWI, a majority of Poles in Galicia were in favour of the Austria-Poland solution. They hoped that once the Kingdom of Poland was taken away from Russia, Franz Joseph I would become the king of Poland. As a result, a new and powerful state would emerge: Austria-Hungary-Poland. In order to pursue this idea, Poles established the Supreme National Committee and the Polish Legions, a military force. Austria’s military defeats and general weakness of the monarchy put an end to these plans as the politicians in Vienna failed to be equally willing to pursue the solution. The initiative regarding the Polish cause was taken over by Germans and the Act of 5th November was proclaimed. This indicated that the reconstruction of the Polish state would be modelled by the Reich rather than the Habsburg monarchy. On the one hand, the proclamation of the Act of 5th November was welcomed in Galicia: it was the first document taking the Polish cause to the international arena. On the other hand, the end of the Austria-Poland idea led to resentment. Poles in Galicia were afraid that they would be left outside the new Polish state.
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This article addresses the complexities of the distinction between “high” and “low” literature. I offer a brief survey of the development of so-called Unterhaltungsliteratur, or light fiction, in Hungary, followed by a presentation of the essays and articles on this topic in the Hungarian literary journal Nyugat (1908–1941), which the passing of time notwithstanding retain much of their relevance today.
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Nagy Péter: A Rima vonzásában. Az ózdi helyi és gyári társadalom a késő dualizmustól az államosításig. Napvilág Kiadó, Budapest, 2016. 384 oldal.
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The study presents a comprehensive picture of fertility behaviour of Calvinist and Unitarian families of Kide, from the middle of the 19th century until the middle of the 20th century. The beginning of the investigation period has low fertility rates. An interesting change in fertility behaviour can be observed in this period: instead of providing the interval between marriage and the first childbirth, and especially between the births, the postponement of the desired number of children is derived from the age-specific fertility curves. This is the nuclear family milieu, where maternal experience carries a new female subjectivity.
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This article concerns the assessment of the Republic of Poland (1918–1939) creation — as a political unit — by Paweł Jasienica — not only an outstanding historical essayist and philosopher of history but also an eyewitness of the events described. In 1967, in the retreat of his own room, he wrote his Polish Experience to be edited in the British periodical „Journal of Contemporary History” — hence off censorship — totally devoted to the problem of the birth of the independent Polish entity. A dominating theme in Jasienica’s analysis is the Polish path to independence, connected with the objection to the partitioners’ voluntarism and struggle for borders mainly with its eastern neighbor country — Bolshevik Russia. P. Jasienica proves that independent Poland defended its existence thanks to fast and widespread social reforms as well as full democratisation of political life. Polish society mass participation in Polish-Bolshevik war 1920 and its successful outcome was caused also by the fear of Soviets’ „red terror”.
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A presentation of “Balkan Smoke. Tobacco and the Making of Modern Bulgaria” by Mary C. Neuburger
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The Soviet Union as a typical totalitarian regime was strongly inclined to celebrate various events which were of great propaganda value to the regime. One of such occasions was the anniversary of the Russian Revolution. The article presents basic ways of influencing the public opinion in Soviet Russia in 1933–1939. Special attention is paid to the fact whether successive celebrations of the “October Revolution” made more evident contents that emphasised the strengthening of Stalin’s dictatorship in the USSR, a change in the course of Soviet foreign policy, or propagated the policy of the Communist International. Whether there were some other subjects and topics brought up in occasional speeches and manifestos? What was the proportion between internal and external affairs brought up in enunciations delivered on this occasion? To whom were they addressed and in what way? And what was the actual purpose of the anniversary celebrations of the victorious Bolshevik coup of 1917? Were there, apart from successive publications of documents “in honour”, any other tools of influencing the public opinion? All these questions can be answered after a thorough analysis of speeches and statements made by the leading politicians of the Soviet Union or specially appointed people. It is also highly reasonable to analyse other – than words – elements of propaganda tactics to influence people.
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The Jan Laski Society of Lovers of The History of Polish Reformation in Vilnius, established in 1916, played a significant role in the propagation of history of the Reformation in Polish lands. It owed its achievements to the intensive efforts of its members who organized numerous meetings and lectures and published books on the Evangelical-Reformed Church and the influence the Reformation had on national culture and language. Towards the end of its existence the Society doubled the number of its members, which clearly shows that it was growing in prestige and popularity.
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The study is an attempt to describe the diplomatic activities of Szymon Askenazy after the revival of the Polish state, and especially their least known chapter, which was his struggle for the shape of the borders of the reborn Republic of Poland in Geneva, 1921–1923. It was one of the hottest periods in the history of Polish diplomacy. Askenazy represented the interests of the reborn Poland, his chosen homeland. However, his actions did not always receive general approval of the main camps of Polish politics. He was also a spokesperson for the concept of Jews’ double consciousness: Jewish and Polish. In his opinion, Jews should maintain their religion and culture, but at the same time “let them combine it with a sense of Polishness and Polish patriotism”.
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The Living Rosary Association, a renewed form of the rosary confraternity, was principally an association of the peasantry and lower social strata in Hungary. The paper presents and interprets the confraternity practice of a settlement (Kunszentmárton, Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok County on the Hungarian Great Plain), through confraternity minutes (1851–1940), the fraternity’s religious literature and journal, interviews and comparison with other fraternities. The rosary was principally a form of female devotion. However, up to the 1940s the leaders were men. The high degree of feminisation can be interpreted in the frame of the process of secularisation. In the course of the processes of economic, social and cultural modernisation, the tasks of the private sphere within the family (running the household, raising children) fell to women. Within this frame they also provided for the family’s sacral world. Until the 1940s the rosary confraternity preserved its character as a women’s mass movement. At the turn of the 19th–20th century the prayer groups were organized on a family and neighbourhood basis. The confraternity also established its own funeral society, linking the living and the dead in prayer. Among the reasons for the popularity of the rosary were its democratic nature and the clear religious goals: it provided the faithful with an institutional frame for their charitable activity; it set readily understandable and easily performed tasks for its members; it required the acceptable co-ordination of individual and communal forms of religious practice. The prayer had a flexible spatial and temporal structure, that is, the prayers could be said at any time and anywhere, even during work. This ensured for devotions a required intimacy but at the same time also a communal character.
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In 1902 in Kraków the Polish Society for the Preservation of Monuments of Culture and Art was established with the purpose of protection of all Polish monuments in all the Polish lands under three partitions. The group of founders was dominated by professors of the Jagiellonian University and the Academy of Fine Arts, members of the Polish aristocracy and students from the families of landowners. The Society’s president was Jerzy Mycielski, an art historian and professor of the JU. The main difference distinguishing the Society from others was its activity within the territories of three partitions set forth in the statute. For this reason, an important place within the Society’s structure was occupied by its non-local members who were to recruit new members and collect membership fees, but also to make inventories of Polish historical monuments and take measures for their preservation. Their activities are reflected in a collection of their correspondence preserved in the National Archives in Kraków. Most members were from Galicia, from the Kingdom of Poland and from annexed territories. The letters reveal their zeal and dedication to their tasks; and it should be emphasised here that usually they were amateurs, lovers of history or archaeology, such as the family of Chrzanowski from the Lublin Gubernia, or Father Górzyński from the Kalisz Gubernia, Michał Rawicz Witanowski from Kłodawa, or Wandalin Szukiewicz from Vilnius. The Society, despite organisational problems, had several important successes, such as saving the castle at Trakai, restoration of St Michael’s Church in Vilnius, or salvation from demolition of the Krzysztofory Palace in Kraków. Despite the fact that three-partition operations specified in the statute were carried out only partially, the activities of the Society could be regarded as successful, for it was the first institution protecting Polish historical monuments on the Polish lands under the three partitioning powers. The article is to remind of this pioneering activity in the context of transpartitional cooperation in the name of protection and preservation of Polish cultural heritage.
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This article analyses the image of Hungarians in Lithuanian customs of masking and oral folklore. The views of Lithuanians about this nation will be examined as they are reflected in the 19th and the first half of the 20th century in Lithuanian folklore.
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This presentation will discuss why Hungary has experienced a rather inordinate number of both bloodless and violent revolutions, encompassing urban uprisings as those of 1918 and 1919, and national struggles for independence in 1703–1711, 1848–1849, and 1956. The explanation may lie in the fact that the country has had a long tradition of absolute sovereignty under the leadership of a powerful nobility; yet, because it lies on the crossroads of great migrations and invasions, it was often subjugated by great powers. Remarkably, in each case the national cause was combined with a strong movement for social justice.
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Hungarian foreign policy from the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in November 1918 to the Peace Treaty of Trianon of June 1920 concentrated on maintaining Hungary’s integrity and finding ways to break out of the international isolation in which the newly independent state found itself. Such were the aims of the regimes that followed each other in succession, and which are identified with the names of Mihály Károlyi, Béla Kun, and Miklós Horthy.
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