Elbeszélt történelem
Interview with Gáspár Kosztolányi who as a levente (member of a paramilitary youth organization), was prisoner of war in the Western front during World War II.
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Interview with Gáspár Kosztolányi who as a levente (member of a paramilitary youth organization), was prisoner of war in the Western front during World War II.
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The weakest link of democracy in the First Czechoslovak Republic was the issue of guaranteeing the linguistic rights of ethnic minorities. This study explores the application of linguistic rights of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the courts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The first part outlines the legal background governing the use of languages. The second part shows through specific cases taken from the contemporary press and archival materials how legal rights were implemented in practice, and what difficulties had to contend with all those who wished to use their native Hungarian language before the court.
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The epoch between the two world wars was of key importance from the point of view of the history of photography. This was the period when depart from photographic picturesqueness took place worldwide. Even more changes can be registered in historical terms, as peace treaties closing the First World War re-mapped Central and Eastern Europe. This study examines the consequences of these two transformations in the field of Czechoslovak–Hungarian photographic relations. There is no precedent for such a review yet—fine arts research is, in this regard, further ahead. Although historical/political conditions at the time carried a lot of tension, and, on occasion, they overshadowed professional relationships too, it can be concluded that in the field of photography the issue of quality had been given greater emphasis on both sides than politics. This paper attempts to illuminate how the prevailing perceptions of photography had evolved at that time in the two countries compared to the international changes of the photographic language, and how this had reflected in the relationships. We probably do not possess all the knowledge on this yet, so further mutual reflections would be desirable in order to deepen understanding of the topic.
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This collection of documents includes memoirs written after 2nd November 1938 by Hungarians living on Slovakia´s territory reannexed by Hungary under the First Vienna Award. The contemporary diarists express their euphoria over the reannexation and recall the ceremonial welcome of Hungarian soldiers back in the autumn of 1938.
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Revived discussions on Carl Schmitt as a legal and political writer move in the closed circle of criticism and apologetics. Is his definition of the criteria of the political a sufficient contribution to the theory for him to be considered "-the youngest classic of politics-? Insistence on the notion of the enemy-friend opposition ignores Schmitt’s continued interest in unity that he would manifest in a substantially determined notion of nation as a relevant political unit and in the notion of the national state. Criticism of the parliamentary party state is a result of Schmitt's insufficient appreciation of the social pluralism.
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The main role of "Peasant Concord", as a cultural and educational organisation most closely connected with Croatian Peasant Party, was in its persistent work in overcoming a longlasting social partitioning into opposite entities: countryside and town. On the one hand, it introduced a distrustful and reserved peasant into political life of the state, it helped him turn economic shifts for his own benefit and taught him to respect his own traditions. On the other hand, it tried to explain and bring closer to town dwellers merits and theworth of peasants. A huge enterprise at creating a new worldview demanded a deep change in the mentality of both urban and rural. society, while the idealization of peasant culture was used in inventing a new identity for peasant society caught in social change. Under traditional peasant culture the ideologists meant not only artistic and cultural values, but also moral precepts such as diligence and honesty, respect of others and most of all, pacifism. New identity, skilfully incorporated in national identity, was consciously intended to help modernization of Croatian society and a final national integration. Political openness and willingness for interethnic and interclass agreements in the 1920s is sharply distinguished from the time after the introduction of a dictatorship, when the optimism was repressed by disappointement, and the era of visions followed by the politics of "realism" and by closing up.
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Sa malim brojem aktera, ali velikim odjekom u široj javnosti, slučaj Rastkove pesme „Spomenik" bio je prvorazredna senzacija početkom 1922. godine, najavivši neočekivano burnu godinu u srpskoj književnosti obeleženu oštrim polemikama i sukobima. To što se Rastko Petrović našao na samom početku godine (i doslovno, budući da prvi broj Puteva izlazi '.januara '922) i na njenom kraju (zbirka Otkrovenje izlazi iz štampe '5. decembra '922) predstavlja „simbolički okvir" ove najvažnije, „zenitne" godine srpske avangarde.
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A breakthrough in the political activity of Władysław Konopczyński took place in 1922 and involved winning the seat of a parliamentary deputy from the Popular–National Union ticket. Subsequently, Konopczyński remained in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland during a whole term of office (1922–1927), frequently speaking about education and schools of higher learning, and presenting motions concerning copyright, a statue on the freedom of assembly, and, predominantly, the introduction of the numerus clausus at universities and polytechnics. In 1925–1939 Konopczyński became actively involved in a struggle against the Piłsudskiites and reacted to the May 1926 coup d’état in a series of press articles criticising both the Marshal and his supporters. This uncompromising stance earned him many enemies within the ruling circles. The political career pursued by Konopczyński was not long–lasting; in 1930 he failed in the election to the Senate, and five years later resigned from all political endeavours due to his disapproval of the dictatorial tendency within the National Party. On the eve of the Second World War Konopczyński was an adherent of the Front Morges political alliance.
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Anniversaries: Punih 36 godina nakon spomenutog događaja, u znak sjećanja na Strossmayerov boravak u Bjelovaru i njegovo hrabro držanje pred carem, bjelovarsko Udruženje žena SHS (Udruženje Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca) postavilo je 1924. godine na istočno pročelje zgrade Imovne općine đurđevačke na Banskom trgu (danas Trg Hrvatskog sokola br. 11), gdje je tada – u peterosobnom stanu šumara ove općine Dragutina Laksara – odsjeo biskup sa svojom pratnjom, spomen-ploču sa znamenitom rečenicom Strossmayerovom „Moja je savjest čista“ (ali bez godine njezina postavljanja).
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Плоча која обележава спомен на Гаврила Принципа, ученика који је са још једним убио надвојводу Фрању Фердинанда од Аустрије јуна 1914, треба да буде откривен 2. фебруара у Сарајеву, на месту где је надвојвода убијен. Првобитно је саопштено да је плоча направљена пре годину и по дана од стране сарајевског одбора Народне одбране. Данас је, међутим, званично саопштено да су плочу направили породица и пријатељи Гаврила Принципа, и да, мада су наведене особе чланови Народне одбране то не значи да је плочу израдила Народна одбрана као установа. Југословенска влада саопштава да она не може да се меша у приватну иницијативу оних који су направилу плочу, али нико из власти или удружења неће бити представљен на откривању, и неће бити дозвољени говори. [...]
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У глувој ноћи свеца Вида, у мртвој, бога Вида поноћи, плес се игра сласти и бола, и што је неприродно, догађа се; удес се остварује. У устргнутој ноћи Видовог плеса покорава се природа и остварује се што бити не може; бели дан са црном ноћи осветљује и оживљује црни дан белом ноћи. И одиграва се драма судбине своје и гломазни епос сопственог напора, сопствене вере у провиђење, оживотворено сопственом вољом; на[т]човечном људском вољом. У Видовданској ноћи прогледавају слепи, у надиру материјалног сунца: зурећи кроз иглене уши у поноћном самосазнању, у поноћноме, дубокоме напору вере и воље, слепци и ослепљеници прогледавају. Таква је вера и паганско предање; али није да и истина није таква. Постоји страсни плес напора и вастрга воље; постоји падање у несвест од космичког ритма. [...]
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Ali, ako vaši upravljad i njihova svita rado ćuše nogama one koji su se dokazali kao prijatelji ove nacije, i to bez vašeg protivljenja, sve svoje osmehe zadržavaju za vase neprijatelje. Sam Bog zna koliko ste propatili u toku rata od Austro-Ugaro Švaba, koliko su vam jadnu zemlju oni opustošili, opljačkali i na muke udarili, koliko su vam najbolje brace i sestara, izmrcvarili i pobili, zato što su bili rodoljubi. A danas vas te iste Švabe, isti oni nekadašnji Austro-Ugari, preplavljuju proizvodima i ljudima, a vi ih dočekujete raširenih ruku. Hiljade i hiljade Nemaca, Bečlija, čaki Budimpeštanaca mirno dolazi da kod vas stiče bogatstvo, a vi im to dopuštate. Predstavnike iste one Nemačke, koja vam je bila nemilosrdan neprijatelj i koja će to ponovo biti jednog dana, slavi „cvet“ vase prestonice koji se diči da je savremen. [...]
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Within the ethnographic research of folk culture in the villages near Zagreb: Resnik, Čučerje, Šćitarjevo, Markuševec and Šestine, two themes were investigated: inhabitants and social organization. While researching and recording of the given data the author had in mind the time between the two World Wars. During the research, there was a need for registrating contemporary cultural phenomena. Although the main task was finding out the changes in folk life in these suburban villages near Zagreb between the two World Wars, it was necessary to establish transformation found after World War II up to the date of investigation. During the research of both themes the most interesting questions were those which could clear some of the processes of cutting apart the traditional village and the changes of certain life-values of . its inhabitants In investigating cultural phenomena of social organization, the author used questions connected with the village community, family, extended family (zadruga), main forms of collective work. Th e author only showed the date white investigating in above mentioned locations, but did not give her interpretation of these. The interpretation of these are possible after the project „Urgent ethnographic investigation of folk life in Zagreb and its surroundings“. Unfortunately, the investigation within this research can not point out the reflections and influences (and it is sure they exist) of this folk life in villages near Zagreb on the cultural image of to-days Zagreb.
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Најзначајнијe масовно досељавање Руса у Србију јавља се као последица једног сложеног и турбулентног политичког периода у Русији. Тај период обележава Први светски рат, Октобарска револуција, распад Руског царства, долазак комуниста на власт, грађански рат. Досељеници су углавном били противници нове власти у Москви или они који јој нису били по вољи. Њих чине, између осталих, заповедници и војници такозваних „белих“ снага, високе верске старешине, представници пререволуционарне државне власти, научници, образовни и културни радници, архитекте, уметници међу којима и руски позоришни уметници свих профила, којима припада централно место ове теме.
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The article is devoted to the history of the Department of Baltic Philology of the Faculty of Philology and Philosophy at the University of Latvia. The department was established in the academic year of 1920/1921 by professor Jānis Endzelīns, who also acted as head of the department throughout its existence. Using the documents available at the Latvian State Historical Archives and the Museum of the University of Latvia, as well as published memories, the article provides a characterization of the establishment process of this department as an unprecedented one among the universities around the globe. The article also describes study programmes and their development, students and graduates, academic personnel, international relations of the department and its reputation.
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In his youth, Józef Piłsudski struggled with tsarist despotism and sought for alternative solutions for Poland, inter alia in the constitutional Habsburg monarchy. To this end, from 1892 he maintained contacts with socialists from Galicia (the Austrian share of the partitioned Polish lands), he supported them in the electoral campaign of 1897 to the fifth curia of the Imperial Council in Vienna, and cooperated with socialist deputies from Galicia in 1897–1900.
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The Third Army District of the Army of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia included mainly the territories of Macedonia, Kosovo, and Metohija, which until the union belonged to the Kingdom of Serbia. These districts were underdeveloped compared with other districts due to a long period of Ottoman rule. The local population’s “low cultural level” reflected on the life and functioning of the military garrisons, which together with unfavorable climate and terrain conditions, required the special attention of military authorities to educate soldiers in the prevention of contagious diseases. Despite bad conditions in the barracks, significant progress was made to provide the soldiers with clean clothes, regular bathing, and they were spared from hard work. A contributing problem was the bad hygiene habits soldiers brought from their homes. This was corrected by their army officers and visiting doctors through organized lectures. The biggest health threat was the appearance and spreading of malaria, which debilitated entire units and called for the total engagement of all military and civilian resources in its prevention.
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