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Nosowski: "Może uda się Panom znaleźć porozumienie w kwestiach definicyjnych? Jakim mianem historyk może określać treść wyrażaną popularnym pojęciem „żołnierze wyklęci”?" Łabuszewski: "Moim zdaniem, najuczciwszym pojęciem dla historycznego opisu sytuacji tej grupy jest: powstanie antykomunistyczne." Wnuk: "Z tym nie zgadzam się fundamentalnie. Jeśli mamy mówić o czymś takim jak antykomunistyczne powstanie, które wybuchło w 1944 roku i trwało do roku 1963 (bo tak ono jest przecież rozciągane), to trzeba by powiedzieć, że powstanie antynazistowskie zaczęło się we wrześniu 1939 roku i trwało do stycznia 1945 roku. Bo przecież bezustannie ktoś gdzieś z karabinem po lasach chodził. Nie idźmy w takie absurdy." Łabuszewski: "W takim razie wrócę do swojego wcześniejszego twierdzenia. Dla mnie czynnikiem, który tworzy jakościowo nową sytuację, jest zamiana głównego wroga niepodległości Polski z hitlerowskich Niemiec na Rosję sowiecką. Od kwietnia 1943 roku mamy do czynienia z uruchomieniem pewnej spirali działań wrogich wymierzonych w struktury Polskiego Państwa Podziemnego, ale również w całą społeczność polską zamieszkującą tamte tereny, które uważane są za prawnie inkorporowane do Rosji Sowieckiej. […] Skala oporu zbrojnego (masowego biernego oporu); jego zdecydowana eskalacja wiosną-latem 1945 r.; decydujący wpływ obcego, wrogiego Polsce państwa na sytuację w kraju; zwalczanie przez obce formacje (NKWD, Smiersz) struktur legalnego, uznawanego nadal przez społeczność międzynarodową, rządu polskiego na emigracji – te wszystkie czynniki wyraźnie wskazują, że przynajmniej w 1945 r. możemy mówić o powstaniu antykomunistycznym jednoczącym prawie całe społeczeństwo." Wnuk: "Nie rozumiem tej logiki. Jesteśmy historykami, musimy mieć jakieś narzędzia obiektywizujące, pozwalające porównywać zjawiska. Czy każdy bunt, każda walka z okupantem jest powstaniem? Moim zdaniem, nie. Nie można przyjąć, że powstaniem jest działanie zbrojne angażujące jeden promil ludzi w kraju. Nawet jeśli przyjmiemy, że w lesie było około 20 tys. osób (a nigdy tylu ich jednocześnie nie było), to jest to mniej niż promil polskiego społeczeństwa, które liczyło wówczas 21 milionów."
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The article presents how in Soviet Union through children’s press government tried to raise new generation of Soviet men, who would be loyal to communists regime. As the main tool was used image of “enemy”, which consisted of two main parts: “external” and “internal enemies”. “Enemy’s” concept was not constant. The article examines evolution of the concept and its connection with the geopolitical situation and economic and political processes within the Soviet state. Children were taught how to identify “enemy” among other citizens, where they located, how they looks like, what values they have. And why it was so important for Soviet child to be attentive and report about all suspicious persons.
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In her careful new reading of Witold Gombrowicz’s novel Pornografia Dauksza traces elements that indicate the essential role of passages concerning the war, its impact and consequences. Her affective analysis reveals Gombrowicz’s singular obsession with the war, with the lack of agency and with (anti)testimony. A particularly important problem is the presence/absence of Jews in the novel’s fictional reality. Dauksza explores Gombrowicz’s relationships to Jews and points out how important that relationship is within his work. She also engages with his diagnoses and comments on postwar Polish society and with his remedies for the spectral status of that formation.
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Langlot analyses Charlotte Delbo’s Spectres, mes compagnons [Ghosts, My Companions] to examine the role of the ghost or spectre that appears on many levels. This figure helps writers picture the workings of memory and the status of the witness, as well as the prisoners’ situation. It also helps us understand if literature (in, about and after) Auschwitz is impossible and void of meaning, or to what extent it turns out to be necessary to maintain our humanity and the links between witnesses, victims, and those who receive the testimony; to testify about the camp in the face of the difficulties with representation. Delbo’s text, the beliefs expressed in it and the many meanings of the figure of the ghost or spectre can become the key to interpreting other works by this author.
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Josip Broz TITO (1892-1980), fut le chef de la résistance croate de 1941 à 1945, Secrétaire Général du parti communiste Yougoslave et Président de la Yougoslavie de la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale à sa mort. Les qualités de Tito, ses défauts, ses succès, les erreurs et fautes graves qu’il a commises ont largement dominé l’histoire de la Yougoslavie pendant la plus grande partie du XXe siècle. Quel que soit le jugement que l’on porte sur sa politique, on ne peut nier que Tito fut un homme tout à fait exceptionnel, pour son époque et dans l’histoire.
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This article is an attempt to answer the questions that have long been bothering historians, political scientists, sociologists and lawyers, as well as ordinary people, nationals of the former anti-Hitler coalition and members of the fascist Berlin-Rome-Tokyo coalition: namely, who really won World War II and who lost the peace that put an end to the war in Europe and the world? Who had reasons to celebrate victory, and who suffered a bitter defeat and enslavement? The main thesis of this article is the observation that, in military terms, World War II was won by the states belonging to the anti-fascist coalition, and lost by Germany, Italy, Japan and their allies. However, in political and economic terms, World War II was won by Western countries led by the United States, and lost by Central and Eastern European countries, with the Soviet Union at the forefront. In international terms, the war and peace were won primarily by the United States and the Soviet Union. These countries have become global superpowers that created a new international order, called the Yalta-Potsdam governance.
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The article is devoted to problems of everyday life of provincial higher education institutions in the 1940-s. On the example of teachers' institutes of the Vladimir region the borders of ordinary life and their change in a macro-historical context are analyzed. The analysis of space and time structure of the life of higher education institution and of various social practices reflects constructs of daily life that were traditional for the higher education as well as realities of the Soviet society of the 40-s of the 20th century which were characterized by active participation of the state in ordinary life of the citizens.
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The paper contains the study of privacy, describes love feelings and emotions of people in the conditions of the Kolyma prison. Love relationships between free people and prisoners of Sevvostlag (late 1940s.) are considered on the base of archival sources. The strict ideological control over personal feelings of members of the CPSU(b) and the deliberate shift of their life priorities are shown.
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The traditions of organ playing in the second half of the 19th century can be characterized by a difference between musicians in big cities, who played a rather difficult repertoire, and in small towns.The organ as an instrument did not play such an important role in Catholic Church as in Protestant churches of Lithuania. Thus the organ playing traditions in Lithuania in the second half of the 19th century were not developed to such a high level as in other Baltic States.The traditions of professional organ playing in Lithuania were developed late in the 19th century, when the Lithuanian composer Juozas Naujalis came back to his native land after his studies in Warsaw.The repertoire of the Lithuanian organists Jonas Žukas, Zigmas Aleksandravičius, Konradas Kaveckas consisted of romantic and impressionistic music by German, French, Italian, Polish and Lithuanian composers. The main part of the repertoire of these Lithuanian organists consisted of their own interpretations, which were performed in their own original style.A new generation of famous organists-teachers was trained at the Kaunas Conservatoire (1933-1949). Their professional level exceeded the fundamentals of playing the organ in church. The playing of the organ was based on the European traditions of interpretation which became popular in Lithuania.
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Field and summary proceedings of the military criminal procedure constitute the most characteristic modes of this particular suit. In these modes, unlike in any other proceedings, it becomes evident how crucial the command factor is for the military judiciary as well as how paramount general prevention is for severe and swift penalisation of criminal activity by the military court. These particular forms of proceedings in the military constitute also an opportunity to present the general rules and solutions for criminal proceedings which are incongruous with the military criminal procedure.The particular character of this kind of military criminal action is also manifested in the fact that it originated in the Polish Army around the time Poland regained independence, and the cases tried in military courts at the time testify to the condition of the resurgent country.
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The scope of court administration’s influence on the courts as well as the judges remains an issue due to the necessity to, on the one hand, supervise the judiciary and, on the other hand, uphold the independence of courts and judges.In the period of activity of district military courts, the Justice Service Department of the Ministry of National Defence constituted the administrative body overseeing their functioning, and since 1950, its function was taken over by the Directorate of Military Courts.These institutions exceeded the scope of their administrative oversight, influencing the case law of military courts through, among others, exerting pressure on the judges and interfering with their independence, thus completely eradicating the independence of military courts by extension.
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Godine 2016., samo tri godine nakon što je Hrvatska ušla u Europsku uniju, a Srbija taj europski put smatra svojom glavnom maršrutom, moramo konstatirati da zemlje bivše Jugoslavije imaju silnih poteškoća u suočavanju s mračnim stranicama svog 20. stoljeća, kako onima iz Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i onima koje su se ispisale u sukobima devedesetih. Jednako pregnantan i u političkim i akademskim krugovi ma, taj se fenomen očituje u povijesnom revizionizmu i negiranju zločina koji su okrvavili Balkan. I stavlja pred izazov temeljna načela Europe.
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Dvadeset i pet godina nakon proglašenja neovisnosti i dvadeset godina nakon završetka rata hrvatsko je društvo u usporedbi s društvima ostalih država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije najopterećenije (vlastitom) prošlošću. Posljedica toga je činjenica da su Hrvatima nakon raznih povijesnih iskustava s ≫drugima≪ najveći problem da nas postali upravo pripadnici vlastitog naroda. Razlozi ovoj toliko očitoj podjeli koja je po nekima već prerasla u ≫verbalni građanski rat≪ leže upravo u prošlosti.
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The author presents the basic contours of 1945, which was marked by the end of the war, the collapse of the Independent State of Croatia, the establishment of Federal State of Croatia as a component of Democratic Federal Yugoslavia and the seizure of authority by the Communist Party of Yugoslav (KPJ). After the end of a liberation and civil war, the KPJ took power into its hands and created the essential prerequisites for the federal reorganization of the Yugoslav state and the revolutionary change of society in compliance with its revolutionary and federalist ideas and through the application of experiences from the USSR. The emphasis is on the most important moves by the KPJ in the first year of its rule and the fate of the main anti-communist forces in Croatia.
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Likvidacija, taj gnjusan romanizam koji se udomaćio i u slovenskom rječniku 20. stoljeća, podmuklo je ubojstvo izvršeno nad političkim protivnikom. Zagovorniku autonomije ljudske svijesti ni izdaleka ne može predstavljati takav moralni problem, koliko za kršćanina kojemu sa Sinaja u dušu grmi glas Apsolutnoga: ≫Ne ubij!≪
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The World War II has left an emotional wound, and its direct victims as well as new generations have to cope with it. The main subject of my presentation will be an analysis of methods for presenting World War II history in against the background of a theory of memory and post memory of war’s trauma through the example of picture books which were published in Poland during the first two decades of the XXI century. I would like to discuss the main trends in presenting the issues pertaining to the war. The transcription of the Second World War memory into picture books is especially interesting for me as a historian of art. I analyze the artistic styles adapted by the artists to express difficult topics, such as the holocaust, the horror of concentrations camps, hunger, fear, loss of family, death. Composition, artistic techniques, color, vocabulary, typography – these are the tools in the hands of artists through which they can not only tell the story, but also stir up emotions and shape the personality. The picture book, like other types of art, operates through the language of fiction to tell the truth. Art is one of the languages of historical narration.
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The Chinese Civil War of 1946–1949 is treated as a typical example of an asymmetric war. The peasant guerilla, led by the Communists, weakly armed but fuelled by the hope for the division of landowners’ lands, was to defeat the regular army of Kuomintang (KMT), fully armed by the USA. The Nationalists were to be constantly supported by Washington. The Communists were to act alone. However, in light of the sources this image cannot be maintained. In fact, the war in China was a conventional conflict between two armies of comparable size. Both of them were formed as a result of compulsory draft. Both had been equipped with the help of an outside ally. However, the support of the USA for the KMT was all the time limited, and in the decisive period of 1946–1947 Washington put an embargo on the sale of weapons to China. It hit the KMT only, as the Communists were all the time supplied by Moscow, mainly from the Japanese stockpiles won in Manchuria. The agrarian question influenced the conflict in a negligible way, whereas the Communist secret service deeply penetrated the enemy’s command. It is not true that soldiers and officers of the KMT (apart from the mentioned agents) en masse went over to the Communist side. The fate of China was decided not by the political sympathies of the citizens, but by the results of battles.
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