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Responsibility in law and in international law in particular, can occur by conduct consisting of an action, but also of omission by an organ in situation in which its action is necessary for preventing an internationally wrongful act. The responsibility of the UN Security Council for the maintenance of peace and security in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia between 1991 and 1995 primarily results from its omission to undertake efficient measures in order to avert aggression and large-scale international crimes. This paper presents numerous Security Council resolutions dealing with the war in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and especially with the siege of Sarajevo. From originally an observer mission, it was later on entrusted with the peace-keeping, but never with a clear mandate sufficient for performing its rapidly expanded duties. It was never authorized to use force beyond that required in self-defense, and in order to secure the transportation of humanitarian aid. For instance, the city of Sarajevo was surrounded by the Serbian troops from April 1992 to September 1995 with enormous sufferings of civilian population, thus even longer than the siege of Leningrad during World War II. The genocide in Srebrenica that happened in June 1995 was not prevented, although there were sufficient weapons, but not the will to do that. Therefore, that peace-keeping mission in BosniaHerzegovina was a fiasco for the UN, the same as that in Somalia in 1993. During the open attacks of the Former Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) in Croatia (in Vukovar, other Podunavlje areas, and Western Slavonia), a general and complete embargo was imposed on all deliveries of weapons to Yugoslavia by Resolution 713 of 25 September 1991, which was not lifted before the end of 1995. This non-selective measure soon proved to be counterproductive. It was favorable for the Serbian side in the conflict that had unlawfully seized the largest quantities of weapons of the former JNA, and frustrating for its victims who often did not have any means of defense. Consequently, the embargo, in fact, merely prolonged the conflict in Croatia, and particularly in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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Godine 2016., samo tri godine nakon što je Hrvatska ušla u Europsku uniju, a Srbija taj europski put smatra svojom glavnom maršrutom, moramo konstatirati da zemlje bivše Jugoslavije imaju silnih poteškoća u suočavanju s mračnim stranicama svog 20. stoljeća, kako onima iz Drugog svjetskog rata, tako i onima koje su se ispisale u sukobima devedesetih. Jednako pregnantan i u političkim i akademskim krugovi ma, taj se fenomen očituje u povijesnom revizionizmu i negiranju zločina koji su okrvavili Balkan. I stavlja pred izazov temeljna načela Europe.
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Dvadeset i pet godina nakon proglašenja neovisnosti i dvadeset godina nakon završetka rata hrvatsko je društvo u usporedbi s društvima ostalih država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije najopterećenije (vlastitom) prošlošću. Posljedica toga je činjenica da su Hrvatima nakon raznih povijesnih iskustava s ≫drugima≪ najveći problem da nas postali upravo pripadnici vlastitog naroda. Razlozi ovoj toliko očitoj podjeli koja je po nekima već prerasla u ≫verbalni građanski rat≪ leže upravo u prošlosti.
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The first Salesian who on 12th August, 1945 started a pastoral service in the Parish of the Holy Trinity in Czaplinek was Rev. Bernard Zawada. During the period of 68 years, there were 12 parish priests belonging to the Salesian Congregation. Since 1947 there have been 70 priests among the support personnel, 26 of whom have already passed away. There were also 25 assistant seminarians who helped the priests in their pastoral care. There were also two coadjutors in the parish. Apart from the parish church the priests also served in 9 nearby churches. Two of them were built by the Salesians on the ruins of old churches. After the separation from the parent parish and the constitution of three new parishes, there remain now two churches to serve which are located within the town: the parish church of the Holy Trinity and an auxiliary church of the Exaltation of the Cross. There is also an active oratory and 10 different parish communities.
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Nursing profession requires high moral, physical and psychological strength. It is a specific profession linked with constant battle and fight for the human life, even for one minute. The age of this profession is the same like that of the Medicine – it means the beginning of the mankind. Aim: To examine the history of nursing in Shumen region using different documental sources from the Shumen hospital, Bulgarian Red Cross and literature. Methods: Historical and documental methods. Results: Today`s nursing is a modern, organized, socially significant and respected profession. It develops every minute to respond adequately to patient needs. To assess better any profession we need to follow its history of development. An inquiry of the development of the profession was made from Samaritans period till now days. Along with that we investigate the role of the nurse specialist in different settings – hospital and outpatient services. Historical review of the functioning of the Medical School is provided right from the beginning in 1950, today named Shumen Affiliate of Medical University of Varna. Conclusions: The development of Nursing in Shumen demonstrates its impact and sustainability also in the new education history of medical specialists in Shumen and also for master students in the „Healthcare Management“ program of the university.
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Since 1990 the sociologists from the University of Lodz have been conducting multidimensional analyses of poverty and social exclusion. In 1997-1999, within the framework of two projects, “The Social Cost of Economic Transformation in Central Europe - Social History of Poverty in Central Europe” and “Forms of Poverty and Social Risks and Their Spatial Distribution in Lodz,” family life histories of 3 generations of the families supported by social welfare agencies were collected. In Polish People’s Republic, the narrators from the generation named “the basic” (40-50 years old) belonged to the working class and - in a sense - represented the collectivism of socialism beneficiaries; at the moment of the research they were experiencing traumatic trajectories of unexpected impoverishment. In the paper, we are coming back to the data from 1990 and discuss biographical experiences of narrators within the context of their understanding of transition process. In the last part of the article, some results of the follow-up study conducted in 2008-2010 are presented with the notion to the macro structural conditioning of family life histories and factors decisive to the vicious circle of poverty and social exclusion.
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The article presents the silhouettes of directors of one cultural institution—its organizer and his successor. Their statements reflect the changes that have affected this type of facilities and resulted from political and economic transformation. These changes were related to the reform of local government and decentralization of cultural policy after 1989. The first part of the article contains a description of the assumptions and methodology of the project from which the interviews at hand derive, as well as a description of empirical material. A comparative summary of both directors’ statements is preceded by their short metrics. The presentation of micro-narratives is divided into four thematic areas: the careers of both narrators, the vision of the institution (the role of cultural centers and their assigned tasks in respondents’ opinions), the principles of operation and potential obstacles to institutional activities, anticipated recipients of the cultural offer. Overall, the analysis of the most interesting topics that appeared in the statements of the two directors, which may be helpful to answer questions related to the nature of the transformation of cultural institutions, closes the whole study. One of the most important points is how the current shape of the centers of this type results from the clash of existing structures with new requirements posed to institutionalized culture, and the functioning of civil society, as well as the development of creative industries, related to the areas at hand.
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The aim of a paper is to analyze, whether economic crisis 2007–2009 had an impact on economic freedom in developed G7 countries. A scope of analysis is 1996–2012. Determinants are three subindex of Index of Economic Freedom published by Heritage Foundation (Fiscal Freedom, Government Spending, Monetary Freedom). A method is Chow test for structural instability. The main result is that only in USA and UK there were structural breaks in case of subindex Governance Spending during economic crisis (2007–2009).
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Makale çok gündem de olan bir konuya Türkiye Ermenistan iliĢkilerinin yeniden geliĢmesine ermeni kamuoyunun tepkisini ele almaktadır. Makalede Ermenistan politikaçılarının ve partilerinın, ayrıca ictimai politikaçılarınin probleme yanaĢma tarzı öğrenilmiĢ, ayrıca farklı farklı araĢtırmacıların da düĢüncelerine istinat edilmiĢtir. Makalede Azerbaycan yetkililerinin de bu iĢbirliğine bakıĢına, ayrıca ermeni açılımına giden yolun tefsirine de yer verilmiĢtir. AraĢdırma zamanı yeteri kadar zengin kaynaklara istinat edilmiĢtir
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Turkey’s rising leftist student movement in the late 1960s admired the Palestinian Fedayeen movement and considered it as a school for their own future struggle. In the late 1960s young Turkish-Kurdish leftist students went to Palestinian guerrilla camps in Lebanon to be trained in preparation for armed struggle in Turkey. That relationship gained new momentum follow-ing the 1980 military coup in Turkey, which heavily impacted Turkish and Kurdish radical movements. The Palestinian camps turned out to be a major retreat for these Turkish-Kurdish groups, among whom the PKK was a primary beneficiary. The PKK seized this opportunity not only for military training but also for organisational recovery which almost no other Turk-ish or Kurdish movement managed. This article aims to trace the relationship between Turk-ish-Kurdish radical movements and Palestinian organisations, focusing mainly on the PKK. I argue that the PKK has made use of this relationship in realising the so-called “Palestinian Dream” within the Kurdish context.
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Republic of Azerbaijan is a multinational and multi religious country which carries out a national policy build on traditional tolerance and harmonious community life of the different ethnic and religious groups. The Constitution of Republic of Azerbaijan accepted in 1995 guarantees equality of rights and freedom to everyone independent of their race, sex, religious and ethnic origin. Within a last few centuries persons who belong to national minorities have been living in the condition of peace and harmony with the basic ethnic group in the Azerbaijan Republic. The majority is Azerbaijanis (Azerbaijan Turks) which consist of 90.6% of population of Republic of Azerbaijan. National minorities consist 9.4% of population, among them Lezghins 2.2%, Russians, 1.8%, Armenians 1.5%, Talishes 1%, Georgians, 0.2%, Kurds 0. 2%, Ukrainians 0. 4%, Avars 0.6% and Jews 0.2%.
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This essay presents analyses of new research data about the economic elite in Serbia: its constitution, main characteristics, and the changes affecting it under the conditions of systemic social transformation. The general analytical framework of this special issue is presented; the essay’s central part offers a brief analysis of the process of sociohistorical change in Serbia in the period from the late 1980s to the present, including the change of bases on which the new economically dominant group and other main social groups have been formed. This period may conditionally be divided into three stages, which do not have sharply defined lines of division: the breakdown of the socialist order (1988-90), followed by a phase of blocked transformation (1991-2000), yielding ultimately to the gradual ‘normalization’ of the functioning of a (semi-)peripheral capitalist order (2000 to present).
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The authors analyse the economic position of the economic elite in Serbia from the end of socialism to the stabilisation of capitalism, with the aim of determining whether this social group experienced significant differences in their economic position during that period. The starting hypothesis is about the structural consolidation of the capitalist class and the strengthening of their privileged economic position during the stabilisation of the capitalist order. The analysis is based on surveys conducted on a subsample of the economic elites in Serbia taken from the years 1989, 2003, and 2012; as well as on a representative sample of the population of Serbia as it was in 2012. Indicators in the three basic dimensions—income, property, and consumption—and their composite index of economic position show that the economically powerful group significantly improved their economic position between 1989 and 2012.
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This essay analyses data on changes in the recruitment patterns of Serbia’s economic elite in the past twenty-odd years, from the breakdown of the socialist order to the present. The analysis presented is based on surveys compiled at the end of socialism in 1989, at the beginning of accelerated postsocialist transformation in 2003, and at the time of the stabilization of the capitalist order in 2012. Patterns of intragenerational and intergenerational mobility are analysed. The analysis seeks to identify possible significant differences between recruitment patterns of the economic elite in the period of blocked transformation in Serbia (1989-2000) and the period in which social relations characteristic of a market economy were formed. These differences prove to be largest within two spheres: the exclusion of possibilities for ascent of members of lower social strata to the elite, and a substantial decrease in the conversion of political positions into control of economic resources. Also examined are changes in the importance of individual channels of mobility, especially education and party membership.
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Using the methodology of discourse theory, this chapter aims to analyse how Romanian society evolved after 1989 with special regard to the tension between direct and representative democracy. The author’s main hypothesis is that in time the absence of the demos from the actual decision-making process fuelled a rhetoric based on direct democracy, and that beginning in 2004 that rhetoric succeeded in establishing itself as a hegemonic discourse. To test the hypothesis, the author uses the logical framework of discourse theory, analysing the constitutive modalities of the rhetoric about democracy and the people, paying close attention to the tensions that have arisen between direct and representative democracy and charting the sociocultural background of those tensions. He uses the methodological arsenal of discourse theory, focusing on its five key arguments. Finally, he suggests a series of preliminary conclusions derived from his analysis.
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The article surveys the British diplomatic goals, activities and efforts in Bulgaria after the beginning of democratic changes. It argues that the British embassy in Sofia seemed to focus not only on the country itself but to be more or less an instrument to a large degree in light of the British interests in the Balkan region (Yugoslavian wars and later Western Balkans) and wider geopolitical field (East Europe, Black sea region, Turkey). The mission was mainly interested about the cooperation with Bulgarian in the framework of NATO and EU, the Russian sphere of influence in Bulgaria, energetics, human rights issues, corruption and organized crime, and regional developments on the Balkans.
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