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This article encompasses an analysis of research on the process of the formation and development of Croatian émigré communities in Croatian historiography based on 39 papers devoted to this topic, published from 1969 to 2018. The analysis was conducted on two levels. The general (under)representation of the topic in the context of Croatian historiography as a whole is examined first, followed by the issue of the influence of the dominant narrative on research through three key domains: the selection of topics, the use of characteristic methodology, and the interpretation itself. In this context, two periods have been examined separately – during the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and after the Republic of Croatia achieved independence. Parallel with this part of the analysis, the basic characteristics of papers on the topic of Croatian émigrés have been contextualised in regard to the achievements of foreign historiography and related scientific disciplines from the aspect of applying theoretical and methodological research frameworks. The reasons for the poor representation of this topic include high politicisation in regard to the critical stance of a large part of the émigré population towards the political system in Yugoslavia till 1991 and the difficult accessibility of archival material and relevant literature on immigrant associations. The analysis did not find any direct influence of politics, i.e. ideology, on the researchers, but there was a shift in the focus of research in line with changes in the social context, from the (pro-)Yugoslav émigré communities towards the predominantly anti-Yugoslav ones in works published after 1991. The predominant characteristic of the analysed works in both periods is the lack of an interpretation of the activities of examined individuals, events, and processes in a broader theoretical framework. Accordingly, a narrow focus on sources is predominant in the methodological sense, as is the lack of contextualisation of the development of Croatian émigré communities within the frame of immigrant associations. They are approached as homogenous groups, and their development is primarily interpreted in the context of events in Croatia. Following everything stated above, this paper points to the necessity of applying developed theoretical and methodological models through an interdisciplinary perspective.
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In order to take control of the entire Prijedor Municipality, Serbian military and police forces conducted attacks on areas in which Bosniaks or Croats were the majority population. Thus, Kozarac and its surroundings were attacked on 24 May 1992, soon followed by the Ljubija area. From 24 to 26 May 1992, the Serbian authorities formed the camps Omarska, Keraterm, and Trnopolje as well as several other places of internment. Captive Bosniaks and Croats from the city and municipality of Prijedor were brought and imprisoned there. The municipality was completely conquered in the second half of July 1992, when the Bosniak and Croat villages on the left bank of the Sana were attacked. According to data gathered thus far, 3,173 Bosniaks and Croats were killed on the territory of Prijedor Municipality.Victims of all the mentioned crimes included children and minors, killed exclusively due to their national or religious affiliation. In addition, many were subjected to imprisonment, expulsion, or other forms of crime. This paper is focused on the murders of 102 children and minors, based on records of missing and exhumed persons. The dates of their disappearances were recorded based on when their families reported them, which does not necessarily mean they were killed on those dates. The discovery of their remains during the exhumations and the fact that these bodies, and those that have yet to be exhumed, have been recorded in the database of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) are proof of the murders of said children and minors.
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The publication of Lazić’s book Čekajući kapitalizam (Waiting for Capitalism) in 2011 represents a suitable occasion for reconsidering the theoretical and methodological aspects of contemporary research of class structure in Serbian sociology and for analysing the major factors of emergence and development of the new class relations in Serbia. The paper focuses on the evolution of Lazić’s theoretical and methodological approach in sociological research of the reproduction of the class structure in three periods – up to 1990, from 1990 to 2000, and from 2000 to 2010. The paper also problematizes the issue of the factors that determine the reproduction of the Serbian class structure today and approaches that issue in view of development strategies and the emergence of peripheral capitalism.
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In the first part of this paper we will write about important historical data related to Center for sociological research. Previously published data will be completed with data about the Center related to the period after 1990. The second part of the paper will be based on the data I have collected through interviews with former and present associates of the center. Associates who worked at the Center for sociological research from early sixties of the 20th Century till nowadays. In this part of the paper we will write memories of our interviewees about their work in Center, a scientific role models in sociology, a situation in sociology as science and other questions.
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The marital status of the population of Vojvodina was analyzed in this paper using statistical methods. The analysis is based on the Census results for 1991 and 2002. The period between the two last Censuses (1991-2002) is characterized by very dynamic social changes in Serbia (Central Serbia and Vojvodina). These changes had very important influences on changes of the population marital status. The analysis is focused on the basic indicators of marital structure: the average age of population when forming or dissolving unions, the coefficient of divorciality by sex and by age groups, etc. The attention in the analysis is placed on research of similarities and differences in marital status of population of Vojvodina according to the settlement types: urban or rural.
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Kreativ në mendim, imponues dhe energjik në veprim ish kryeministri serb Zoran Gjingjiq (2001- 2003), pas një angazhimi të përqendruar përfundoi Programin për Kosovën në dhjetor 2002. Ky program me titull Strategjia për Kosovë e Metohi, fillimisht iu prezantua një rrethi të ngushtë entitetesh politike e shtetërore siç ishin, organet kryesore shtetërore serbe si dhe organizatat kryesore serbe në Kosovë. Programi në fjalë u publikua pas vdekjes së tij si pasojë e atentatit të organizuar nga forcat ultrakriminale serbe. Iniciativën për botimin e këtij programi e mori Këshilli Nacional Serb i Kosovës, më konkretisht kjo u bë nën përkujdesjen e kryetarit të këtij Këshilli, M. Ivanoviq. [...]
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The elections in June 1992 brought to power Vladimir Meciar‘s Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) in Bratislava and Vaclav Klaus‘ Civic Democratic Party (ODS) in Prague. In the concept of HZDS the idea of a parity (which is impossible to achieve between two units of differing size) gradually came to be associated with the concept of “Slovak sovereignty” and Slovakia’s “international legal subjectivity”, both incompatible with Czechoslovakia’s further existence. Such confederative model brought Czechs nothing but troubles. Subsequently, Prague now lost interest in keeping Slovakia within the Czechoslovak state. The result was “the velvet divorce” of Czechoslovakia on 31 December 1992.
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Ako se pročita tonski zapis razgovora sa istaknutim naučnikom prof, dr Vladimirom Ajdačićem, koji se čuva u Fonoteci Muzeja nauke i tehnike u Beogradu, a sada je objavljen u poslednjem broju Flogistona (br. 5 za 1997, str. 175- 217), i ako se ima uvid u produkciju istoriografije savremenog doba u Jugoslaviji, ne može da se otrgne utisku, da se ova nalazi galaksijama udaljena od razumevanja istorije ljudi na Zemlji, života na Zemlji modernog doba. Udaljena je, јег je udaljena od saznanja i iskustava prirodnih nauka о istoriji Prirode i prirodnoj istoriji ljudi.
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Projekt Instituta za savremenu istoriju о srednjoročnom istraživanju 1991-1995. godine nastao je još u vreme postojanja Zajednice za nauku Srbije i bio je usklađen sa preporukama Odbora za istorijske nauke te Zajednice. Kontinuitet u metodologiji i vrednovanju razultata rada održao se i onda kada je nadzor nad realizacijom projekta preuzelo Ministarstvo za nauku i tehnologiju.
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In this article we will discuss the political consequences of electoral system in Serbia. Since 1992 Serbia has proportional representation electoral system. In this electoral system, citizens are voting for parties, which leads to party and program oriented campaigns. Serbian system is extremely proportional because there is only one electoral unit. Higher proportionality of electoral system usually means that party system will be fragmented, which leads to wider and numerous coalitions. In a closed list system, voters are choosing between parties, while open list allows choice between candidates. Serbian Parliament lacks territorial representation. After the last electoral system changes, at least one third of MPs will be women. Electoral threshold in not applied for ethnic minority parties. In proportional systems, MPs elected from the lists are elected indirectly by the parties, and therefore they are more loyal and show higher level of party discipline. In the case when a whole country is one electorate, the link between voters and MPs is weak(est). Number of parties in the parliament can be reduced by gradation of electoral threshold. Higher number of electoral units would reduce proportionality, and consequentially fragmentation of the party system. Introduction of mixed or personalized proportional system and preferential votes would increase accountability and autonomy of elected representatives and reduce party influence, leading further to their internal reform. Cumulative effects would be reduced partocracy that is burdening the process of consolidation of democracy in Serbia.
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In this article the author discusses two major financial forms of assistance for the poor in Serbia – child welfare benefit and social welfare benefit, as well as the changes of legislative framework after 2000. New laws improve position of families with children with special needs, single parents and foster parents in order to support non-institutional care for children without parental care. Also, new mechanisms have been introduced with aim to integrate these new measures with other support measures – obligatory schooling or obligation to participate in programs that provide social inclusion, as well as some limitation for support of beneficiaries that are able to work. Significant novelty can been seen in shift from institutional toward alternative, non-institutional forms of social welfare. The most important conceptual dilemmas related to social welfare system are further discussed in the paper.
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Kada je davne 1992. predsednik Turgut Ozal (Turgut Özal) na mesto šefa turske državne bezbednosti po prvi put u njenoj istoriji postavio civila Sonmeza Koksala (Sönmez Köksal), teško da je iko mogao da predvidi konačni ishod borbe „reformatora“ sa „snagama prošlosti“. Reforme koje je početkom osamdesetih godina XX veka započeo tadašnji premijer Ozal, sa kraćim ili dužim prekidima, nastavljene su i nakon njegove smrti, 1993. godine. Uspeh na izborima Erdoganove partije i osvajanje vlasti 2002. bili su definitivno prekretnica za Tursku.
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Bosna i Hercegovina, između podijeljenog društva i slabe države, opterećena unutrašnjim napetostima i zastojem u reformama prema Evropskoj uniji, živi u okvirima Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Zemlja u kojoj je poslednji popis stanovništva urađen 1991. ne zna ni koliko stanovnika ima, a političke elite se ne mogu dogovoriti da novi popis sprovedu. Zbog nepostojanja političke volje i konsenzusa o bitnim pitanjima, BiH se i 16 godina nakon rata nalazi pod patronatom međunarodne zajednice.
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Slovenija i Srbija su imale prilično različite puteve tranzicije. U Sloveniji je do pluralizacije i demokratizacije došlo kombinovanjem inicijative odozdo i popuštanja odozgo. Višepartizam u Srbiji nije išao tako lako, jer su stare elite došle na vlast u pretpluralističkom periodu i nisu pokazivale spremnost da se demokratizuju. Civilno društvo, koje je u Jugoslaviju došlo preko Slovenije, odigralo je značajnu ulogu u pluralizaciji, ali je u kasnijoj fazi značajan broj aktivista ušao u javni sektor i završio u ’nation state building’ procesu. Iako se u Sloveniji radi o kontinuitetu političke elite, ona je bila posvećena demokratizaciji (Kučan, Drnovšek, Janša, Rupel). U Srbiji je obrnut slučaj. I Slovenija i Srbija su se opredelile za sistem s neposredno izabranim predsednikom države (oblikovanjem modela prema Kučanu i Miloševiću). Socijalna homogenost i politički konsenzus u Sloveniji doprineli su stabilnosti demokratije, dok u Srbiji toga nije bilo. Države bivše Jugoslavije koje nisu bile uključene u rat (Slovenija, osim ’desetodnevnog’ s delom JNA), imale su bržu i uspešniju tranziciju. Slovenija je bila najrazvijenija republika u bivšoj Jugoslaviji i najviše orijentisana prema Zapadu. Srbija je tokom devedesetih godina XX veka u mnogim dimenzijama predstavljala razoreno društvo. Političke promene u Sloveniji konstitucionalizovane su u ranoj fazi, 23. decembra 1991. godine. Milošević je hteo da održi vlast i kontinuitet, i zato se odlučio najpre za usvajanje Ustava 1990, pa tek onda za izbore. U Sloveniji su demokratske promene praćene relativno širokim konsenzusom glavnih političkih aktera o određenim važnim pitanjima: otcepljenje, okrenutost Zapadu, učlanjenje u EU i NATO. U Srbiji ne samo da toga nije bilo, već i danas ima stranaka koje smatraju da ’Evropa ima alternativu’, iako ne preciziraju šta to tačno znači. Konsolidaciji demokratije u Sloveniji doprineo je i proces evropeizacije i učlanjenja u EU i u NATO, kao i međunarodno okruženje i podrška važnijih država. Srbija je tokom devedesetih bila na izvanevropskom putu, a od 2000. je naglašeno proevropski orijentisana. Tranzicija ka demokratiji u Sloveniji bila je kontinuirana, dok je u Srbiji bila isprekidana i diskontinuirana. Ipak, za razliku od Srbije, u Sloveniji je demokratija konsolidovana, a delotvorna slovenačka država, iako ima svoje probleme, deli sudbinu evropskih država, a ne Zapadnog Balkana, kao što je slučaj sa Srbijom.
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This work is a study of books, published since 1990, regarding theory and method in Serbian historiography. Few books have been written in Serbian historiography about these topics, especially in monographic form. The books cited here came at a difficult time for historiography. They are an attempt at defining the scientific and rational theoretic basis for historic research and at maintaining the otherwise endangered rationality and objectiveness in historiography. Besides general aspects of theory, these books offer numerous examples taken from actual scientific studies, especially those to which the new methodological approach can be applied.
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Dolaskom Partije pravde i razvoja (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, u daljem tekstu: AKP) na vlast u Turskoj novembra 2002, otvara se novo poglavlje u turskoj spoljnoj politici i pojačava se njeno interesovanje za zbivanja na Balkanu. Sve intenzivniji odnosi Ankare i Beograda, koji je gotovo „preko noći“ postao „strateški partner“ Turske, „primorali“ su javno mnjenje i stručnu javnost Srbije da se ozbiljnije pozabave turskom spoljnom politikom prema državama regiona.
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U tekstu se analizira partijsko-politička scena Srbije u 2011. godini. Ukazuje se na programsku bliskost, koalicione potencijale i animozitete između partija. Razmatra se ko se s kim i ko će s čim izaći na izbore pred građane Srbije. Rascepi i podele među partijama iz devedesetih, danas više nisu aktuelni. Povratak na vlast SPS u koaliciji sa DS, kao i nastanak SNS iz SRS, „oprali“ su partije starog režima. Time je umanjena prethodna distanca među partijama i otvorene veće mogućnosti međusobne saradnje. Neke linije rascepa prepoznaju se na relaciji zapadnjaci –nacionalisti, istok–zapad, članstvo u NATO–vojna neutralnost. Stranke su u značajnoj meri odsečene od posredujućih institucija i struktura (sindikati, civilno društvo). Aduti SNS za izbore jesu razočarani birači, gubitnici tranzicije, nizak standard, ekonomska kriza. DS će igrati na kartu evropske perspektive, jačanja standarda, stabilnosti kursa, cene hrane i makroekonomske stabilnosti. SRS i DSS podjednako su udaljene od SNS i DS. Teško je zamisliti zajednički nastup LDP i SRS, ili SRS i SNS. SPS se potvrdio kao lojalan partner DS. Naprednjake na vlast može dovesti samo „izdaja“ nekog iz redova vladajuće koalicije. Velika koalicija nije nemoguća u slučaju da dve najveće partije, jedna bez druge, ne mogu da sastave vladu. Ono što razlikuje partije više su harizmatski apeli njihovih lidera, nego što su to bolji programi. Obezbeđujući dobra putem klijentelizma, birači mogu ostvariti svoje materijalne interese na način na koji to nije moguće putem javnog dobra. U partijskim sistemima u kojima se kompeticija odvija u skladu s klijentelizmom, a ne prema programskim principima, slabije su šanse za demokratsku konsolidaciju. Ako sistem nije institucionalizovan i akteri nisu racionalni, politika je manje predvidiva. Partije su bez veze s biračima, a birači bez poverenja u partije. Imidž jeste važan ali nije dovoljan za pobedu na izborima.
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Tekuća kriza evrozone nije ni sasvim nova ni iznenađujuća. Fiskalna disciplina u evrozoni bila je loša od njenog nastanka 1999, a finansijska kriza iz 2008. samo je pogoršala situaciju. Skupe su i bolne opcije sada dostupne zemljama evrozone u teškoćama: to su spoljna pomoć, rez troškova, viši porezi, bankrotstvo ili njihova kombinacija. Da bi izašla iz teškoća evrozona kao celina mora da odgovori na tri pitanja. Prvo, ko će platiti nagomilane dugove zemalja u teškoćama? Drugo, kako kredibilno održavati fiskalnu disciplinu u evrozoni? I treće, kako povratiti konkurentnost zemalja koje sada imaju teškoće? Privremenim programima pomoći evrozona za sada ne rešava ta pitanja, nego samo kupuje vreme. Ako se navedena problemi ne reše u dogledno vreme, finansijska tržišta bi mogla da odbace evro kao valutu, što bi označilo kraj evrointegracija. To bi dovelo do duboke ekonomske krize u Evropi, koja bi imala uticaja i na njene poslovne partnere u ostatku sveta. Nestanak EU doveo bi i do nove geopolitičke konstelacije u Evropi.
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