We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Immediately after the consolidation of government, the Communist Party, recognizing the importance of the education system as a socialization medium, began its transformation in which very important role was attributed to the formation of a new "socialist man". Adhering to the motto that "an illiterate person stands out of politics", a broad campaign of eradication of adult illiteracy was started, organizing different levels of courses, reading groups, folklore groups and other forms of amateur organizations, which was a responsibility of educational departments of National Committee. General national enlightenment contributed to the radio and film production of carefully selected films like "The Defense of Moscow", "Liberation of Czechoslovakia", whose viewing was controlled by national authorities. In fact, the entire education system was subordinated to the single objective of building a collective identity that was supposed to ensure the legitimacy of the current government based on its leading authority role in NOB (National Liberation War). School naturally served as an important ideological apparatus in the education reform, having in mind its key role of a mediator in the interpretation of social reality. Therefore, great attention was paid not only to building of a widespread school network, but also to personnel policy and curricula that were abundant with "national liberation" themes and glorification of the role and person of Josip Broz. A special function was planned for history teaching that was to serve in the construction of the past through the prism of common historical memory. The complexity of this process in a multinational community as was the second Yugoslavia/Herzegovina resolved in selective memory or the antonymy such as memory vs. oblivion. Besides, the goal of teaching was not just the acquisition of knowledge, but also the empathy of students for specific topics in order to turn their knowledge into a way of thinking and living. Therefore, since the task of school was to raise similar ideological followers of the existing government, with great distrust was looked at religious education which, in fact, represented the only worldview "opposition" within the strictly controlled school system. Despite many legal restrictions and the regime's torture, catechism still managed to survive the first years as an elective course up to 1952, when it was expelled from public schools on the grounds that religiosity was personal matter of an individual, and that the school as an educational institution must be based on scientific grounds.
More...
The paper traces the dynamics of the sharp shifts in the relations between Bulgaria and DPRK during the Cold War period within the context of the dramatic clash in the world communist movement caused by the Sino-Soviet split at the beginning of the 60s. Through the exam of the relations between Bulgaria from one side, known as the most faithful ally of the Soviet Union during the Cold war period, and the DPRK from the other side which was one of the very tender spots within the bipolar global rivalry between the superpowers, the authors put under analyzes and verify the rationalities of the position and actions of the North Korean state within the Sino-Soviet split as well as the position of the Soviet Union toward DPRK during the dramatic change of the whole paradigm of the Cold war in East Asia from the end of 60s and the beginning of the 70s. The relations between Bulgaria and PDRK during that phase of the Cold War period clearly show how two small countries who were very much dependent on the big Communist powers as Soviet Union and PRC could have their own place and to play their particular role within the geopolitical and ideological changes and clashes in the International communist movement during the 60s. The documents show how in the bilateral relations those countries are trying to defend their own interests too as well as to play the role of a significant part in their allied policy sometimes related with the task of keeping a very delicate and difficult balance. At the same time it shows how no matter of some sharp ideological clashes and disagreements as well as some unfavorable diplomatic incidents like the one with the four North Korean students in Bulgaria, leading to a heavy diplomatic crises and unpleasant consequences, both countries took the advantage of the new change in the general geopolitical situation in the East-West relations during the Cold war at the end of the 60s and the beginning of 70s that offered them a new possibilities and opportunities for more favorable shift in the relations between Bulgaria and North Korea.
More...
Research on the life of former farm servants is less comprehensive than in the case of peasants. The examination on the economy of large estates led to meaningful findings concerning Somogy county in the 1930s and also since the 1970s. Much less revealing was the research on the lifestyle of estate servants although many researchers and volunteer collectors have published about it, but only briefly. After 1945 some of these former servants became independent farmers or worked as hired help on other farms. While some of them moved into the villages, others remained in the former pusztas which were gradually closed down in the 1970s. Changes occurred in the construction, economy, ownership and use of the land and the whole lifestyle of the villages. These changes differed among former servants, peasants still living in the place of their birth and peasants moving to other regions, depending on their initial wealth.
More...
In Hungary, Act XIV of 1891 on Medical Care for Industrial and Factory Employees made it compulsory for most blue-collar workers to be members of welfare funds (betegsegélyező pénztár). In Hungary, Act I of 1936 on Medical Activity, Sec. 39(1), stipulated that physicians were entitled to a fee when practising medicine privately. In the 1970s and even for decades before and after, gratuities were paid in advance as an illegal but socially legitimate form of bribery. During the history of gratuities in Hungary, it has always been a crucial question whether to pay the gratuity to the physician in advance or only after treatment. The Code of Medical Ethics of the American Medical Association of 1847 was taken into consideration during the codification of the Hungarian Act on Health of 1972. This Code of Medical Ethics forbids physicians from accepting any payment from other physicians for medical services. However, in other cases, the Code permits the acceptance of payments for medical services as a remuneration for self-employed persons. According to the Corpus Hippocraticum, the physician is only allowed to accept money for medical services after treatment and the physician is not allowed to force the patient to pay. Gratuities for physicians in Hungary seem to be inherent to the low earnings among physicians, and the situation is similar for nurse practitioners.
More...
The review of: -Magdalene Koch, Der Widerstand der Kommunistichen Partei Österreichs gegen Hitler von 1938 bis 1945. Neobjavljena disertacija na dunajski filozofski fakulteti, 1964. -Hans Janschitz, Ferlieferhof. Ein Bericht iiber die amtlichen Untersuchungen der Masenmorde in der Schiessstate Ferlieferhof. Graz (1946), 74 strani.
More...
The review deals with the publication "Valdis Āboliņš. Avangards, meilārts un kultūras sakari aukstā kara laikā = Valdis Āboliņš. The Avant-garde, mailart, the New Left and Cultural Relations during the Cold War", eds. Ieva Astahovska and Antra Priede-Krievkalne (Riga: Latvian Centre for Contemporary Art, 2019). The book comprising articles by art historians, curators and other contemporaries as well as Āboliņš' correspondence, writings and mailart is seen as a significant effort to establish the significance of this Latvian in exile, art curator and leftist activist.
More...
This article is a short presentation of Iosif Capotă’s biography. He was born on January 24, 1912, in Mărgău (Cluj County). During the Interwar period, he was an active member of the Romanian National Peasant Party. Once the Communist regime took over in Romania the authorities started to pursue him. He went into hiding between 1947 and 1957. Together with Doctor Alexandru Dejeu, he produced anti-communist manifestos that encouraged the population to resist the abuses provoked by the new regime. He was arrested on December 7, 1957, investigated, trialled and condemned to death. The sentence was carried out in Gherla Penitentiary, on September 2, 1958. Even if the group Capotă-Dejeu had a discreet, less provocative attitude, compared to other anti-communist groups active in that period, their actions were important as they kept the hope of change alive among the population.
More...
This article proposes the brief reconstruction of the philosopher Constantin Noicaʼs biography. During the communist regime, his life was marked by two political events: the establishment of compulsory residence in the provincial town Câmpulung-Muscel in 1949 and his arrest in December 1958. Actually, at the end of the 1950s the communist judicial authorities consider the writers Constantin Noica and Constantin Pillat responsible for the subversive activities practiced by a group of 23 intellectuals, who remained in the history of communism in Romania under the name of the „Noica-Pillat batch”.
More...
The purpose of this publication of individual fragments of the diplomatic diary of H. Rakovsky, prepared by the drafters, is to convey to the general scientific community the diary entries of a prominent Soviet diplomat, which have remained unknown until today. The diary reflects the initial period of Rakovsky’s stay in Paris after his appointment as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to France. The published document is an important element for understanding the general picture of the Soviet Union’s foreign policy in relation to France and England in 1923–1927 – in general, those nuances that always remained behind the scenes of official negotiations, signing declarations and treaties, as well as for understanding the role of the a particular Soviet diplomat in these processes.
More...
Review of: Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan, “The Compatriots. The Brutal and Chaotic History of Russia’s Exiles, Émigrés, and Agents Abroad.”, Publisher: Public Affairs, New York, 2019. Review by: Luke Harding
More...
Review of: Klára Pinerová - Stanislav Balík, Vít Hloušek, Lubomír Kopeček, Jan Holzer, Pavel Pšeja, Andrew Lawrence Roberts: Czech Politics. From West to East and Back Again. Budrich. Opladen u. a. 2017. 278 S. ISBN 978-3-8474-0585-6. (€ 29,90.)
More...
Review of: Beqir Meta, Afrim Krasniqi, Hasan Bello, Indoktrinimi komunist përmes kulturës, letërsisë dhe artit 1945-1968, (Dokumente arkivore), Vëllimi I, QSAKAS, Tiranë, 2018, f. 395
More...
Nakon sloma socijalizma, pojavili su se etnonacionalistički sukobi kao ozbiljan problem u preustrojavanju istočnoevropske politike i identiteta. Ipak, slučaj istočne Evrope nije bio potpuno jedinstven. Devedesete su stigle uz snažnu plimu obnovljenog etnonacionalizma u mnogim područjima, uključujući zapadnu Evropu. U izvjesnoj je literaturi istaknuta povezanost između novog nacionalističkog vala i trenutne faze neoliberalne globalizacije i pratećih migracija, jer su kontrapokreti često kodirani u jeziku etno- ili vjerskog nacionalizma i lokalizma (Comaroff i Comaroff 2001a, 2001b; Wimmer i Schiller 2002, 2003; Appadurai 2006; Schiller i Caglar 2009). Osim toga, u režimima neoliberalne akumulacije, klasa i marginalnost često su konstruirane u jeziku kulturnog identiteta (Schiller, Basch i Blanc 1995; Comaroff 1996; Comaroff i Comaroff 1999; Friedman 2003), dok nacionalistički poduzetnici često profitiraju upravo na reakciji protiv novih obrazaca neravnopravnosti koje proizvode globalni tokovi migracija, novca, investiranja i dezinvestiranja (Gingrich i Banks 2006).
More...
Until 2014, all Ukrainian presidents except Viktor Yushchenko participated in the celebration of the Soviet and Russian myth of the Great Patriotic War (GPW). Presidents Leonid Kuchma (1994 – 2004) and Viktor Yanukovych (2010 – 2014) participated in official commemorations in Moscow attended by other former Soviet republics. President Yushchenko (2005 – 2010) did not attend the celebration but neither did he seek to remove the GPW from Ukrainian memory politics. Only during Petro Poroshenko’s presidency (2014 – 2019) was the Soviet triumphalist and militaristic narrative of the GPW (1941 – 1945) replaced by commemoration of Ukraine’s participation in Europe’s victory over Nazism and the human suffering of Ukrainians during the Second World War (1939 – 1945) integrated into an overall European tragedy of the loss of millions of lives.
More...
The following article will examine the formative years of the Tartu-Moscow school of cultural semiotics: its main influences and how semiotics jibed with the local cultural endeavours, both in the centres of the Soviet Union and in the Tartu-Moscow school’s peripherally situated stronghold in Estonia. The article’s central concern is the connection of early Soviet cultural semiotics to the aspirations of renewal in the visual arts in the first half of the 1960s.
More...
This is the first part of the introduction to issue 8/19 of Studia Litteraria et Historica. The issue focuses on an anthropological and sociological analysis of the years 1945–1956 in Poland and, to some degree, on a deconstruction of contemporary Polish narratives on Stalinism. The author discusses the reasons for reexamining the subject, along with the methodological basis of such reexamination. The article also offers a polemical discussion of Andrzej Leder’s interpretation of Poland’s Stalinist period.
More...
The article concerns Croatian political emigration in the period 1945–1990. The author describes the construction of a political community as a form of opposition to the communist regime in Yugoslavia. The aforementioned group – understood here as a performative actor – made an effort to deconstruct the new ideology and political doctrine and to create a new community. These activities manifested in various forms of organization. In this article special attention is given to Hrvatska revija magazine, which was published in 1951–1966 in Argentina. Its main objective was to make the public aware of the socio-political situation in Croatia and to change public opinion. Croatian intellectuals analyzed topics that were forbidden or censored in their homeland; in particular, they willingly referred to Bleiburg and the figure of Alojzije Stepinac, whose reinterpretation became the foundation of a new political community.
More...
1968 is universally considered as the year that Marxism and socialism achieved significant political legitimacy amongst the younger generation. This is only partly true for Czechoslovakia, where the younger generations—students in their early twenties, but also young intellectuals, artists, and political activists entering their professional careers—brought about the emancipation of non-Marxist political thinking in public discourse. In this article, I demonstrate the intellectual clash of the generations of 1968: the older generation that represented Dubček’s famous “socialism with a human face” and that made the Prague Spring liberalization possible by introducing a set of reforms, and new political generations—of students and young intellectuals who rejected the idea of Reform Communism as insufficient for real democratic order. Examining each generation’s understanding of key political concepts such as “opposition” or “political pluralism” reveals that the younger generations had vastly different expectations of “socialism with a human face.”
More...