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Rzadko które wydarzenie lepiej niż święto 1 Maja odkrywa mobilizacyjne oblicze systemu stalinowskiego. Pozostały liczne tego ślady w aktach Centralnego Archiwum MSWiA.
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Rzadko które wydarzenie lepiej niż święto 1 Maja odkrywa mobilizacyjne oblicze systemu stalinowskiego. Pozostały liczne tego ślady w aktach Centralnego Archiwum MSWiA.
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This article describes how Jewish communists associated with the milieu of the illegal Polish Workers’ Party were hiding in occupied Warsaw. The communists created an exclusive help network, which had substantial assets: opportunities for obtaining false papers, means of subsistence, and accommodation. It also gave one a chance to participate in the struggle against the Germans and a sense of meaning. The help network was not established for the purpose of helping the Jews – the Jews and their families were aided as party members, somewhat incidentally
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This text analyzes how the underground civil and military judiciary (Special Civil Court and Special Military Court) treated the plague of blackmail and denunciations which threatened the Jews hiding in Warsaw during 1942–1944. A broad search query in archives has led to a review of several theses and opinions functioning in the subject literature. It occurred that the Special Civil Court in Warsaw passed the ϐirst sentences on the blackmailers a few months earlier than previously thought, though those sentences were not carried out due to lack of technical possibilities. The critical analysis of the sources also made it possible to disprove the belief that Jan Łakiński was sentenced and liquidated for his contribution to the discovery of the shelter where the creator of Oneg Shabbat, Emanuel Ringelblum, was hiding. The fact that Łakiński was liquidated shortly after was, as it turned out, only a coincidence. The person actually responsible for the discovery of the shelter and Ringelblum’s death was not found and punished by the underground. The author has exceeded his predecessors in terms of the level of detail exhibited in his reconstruction of the functioning of the Special Civil Court in Warsaw, his description of the manner and circumstances of carrying out of all the sentences passed on individuals found guilty of anti-Jewish activity, and his discussion on the issue of the effectiveness of the surveillance of blackmailers carried out by various structures of the Polish underground.
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The most valuable testimony about the Holocaust in Łuków, a county town in the Lublin province, was written by a man known as Stanisław Żemiński. Nothing else was known about the author of that shocking and emphatic diary. No biographical details – where he came from, where he lived, what happened to him after the war – could be established. The author of this article discovers Żemiński’s true identity. His real name was Stanisław Żemis. As a young man he was a teacher and Janusz Korczak’s coworker. During the occupation he was in Łuków, where he was active in a cooperative and in the underground. After the liberation he became the first mayor of Siedlce. He then settled in Warsaw, where, after losing his sight, he became engaged in efforts to help the blind.
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Miłe i zaszczytne zaproszenie ze strony prof. Jacka Leociaka do skomentowania na łamach „Zagłady Żydów” problematyki związanej z ustawą „IPN-owską” odebrałem jako rodzaj wyzwania: nie jestem badaczem ani dziejów najnowszych, ani kwestii żydowskiej, a poza tym wydawało mi się, że wszystko, co mam na ten temat do powiedzenia, już napisałem kilka miesięcy temu w krótkim felietonie na łamach „Ale Historia”, dodatku do „Gazety Wyborczej”. Zacząłem się więc zastanawiać nad jakąś bardziej systematyczną reϐleksją, z pełną świadomością, że nie mam najmniejszego tytułu, aby kogokolwiek oceniać bądź dawać rady w sprawach tak subtelnych i wymagających głębokiego wyczucia moralnego. Myślę jednak, że mogę zwrócić uwagę na kilka kwestii, które stały się widoczne w trakcie całej sprawy, a które być może mówią coś o Polsce i o nas samych.
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Review of: "Geographies of the Holocaust", red. Anne Kelly Knowles, Tim Cole, Alberto Giordano. Bloomington–Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2014, 260 s.; by: Jacek Leociak
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Review of: Krzysztof Malicki, "Poza wspólnotą pamięci. Życie i zagłada Żydów w pamięci mieszkańców rejonu podkarpackiego" Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Filozofii i Socjologii PAN, 2017, 363 s.; by: Kaja Kaźmierska
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Joanna Ostrowska przełamuje tabu i pisze o istnieniu nazistowskich burdeli na okupowanych ziemiach polskich oraz opowiada o ich ofiarach – przymusowych prostytutkach, które służyły nie tylko niemieckim i ukraińskim żołnierzom, ale także więźniom w obozach koncentracyjnych.
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The presented biographical sketch concisely depicts the decisive events of the life and professional activity of Prince Brig. Gen. Konstanty Drucki‑Lubecki. He was a member of princely house whose property included among others the Porochońsk estate. His thorough education was obtained at the Imperial Alexander Lyceum in Saint Petersburg. During the years 1918—1920 he played an active part as a member of the military in regaining Polish independence. The said process having been completed, he took a position of both cavalry commander and military lecturer, among others at the Central Cavalry School in Grudziądz and the Higher Military School in Warsaw. In 1939, as a commander the Vilnius Cavalry Brigade, he fought in the Polish September Campaign. After he had been taken into custody by the Soviet secret services, he was incarcerated as a prisoner of war in Sambor. In 1940, following the decision/pursuant to the decision of the highest USSR authorities, he was sentenced to death and then executed, probably in Kiev. His body was buried in Bykivnia forest. Throughout many year after his death, his close ones, namely his wife, children and brother‑in‑law, attempted to reconstruct his fate. But it was not until the 1990s, after the Ukrainian authorities handed to Poland the so‑called Ukrainian Katyń List, that the circumstances of General’s death were partially uncovered. Surely, the Prince’s remains are located in Kiev‑Bykivnia, yet they have not been discovered thus far.
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Apart form the Piłsudki-ites, the Polish government along with underground organizations in the Nazi German-occupied country (the former Second Polish Republic), voiced their criticism regarding the partition of Czechoslovakia previously performed by the Sanation government side by side with the Germans in 1938, resulting in the Polish seizure of Zaolzie. Nonetheless, there was no single political faction in Poland, including the communists, that would have conceded to returning Zaolzie unconditionally to Czechoslovakia after the war. Even though in this very case the Polish government was open to some concessions, those did not include re-establishing the pre-September 1938 state of affairs. Polish authorities declared readiness to negotiate bilaterally or proceed with a form of arbitration. Political groups in the country tended towards reaching an agreement with Czechoslovakia based on exchanging Zaolzie for Lower Silesia along with Lusatia. They also put forward a mutually-agreed equilibrium between Polish ethnicity and Czechoslovakian economic interest in Zaolzie. Had the Polish-Czechoslovakian agreement not been attained, they should have opted for a plebiscite.
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A close look at commemorations with a focus on occurring performance shows the decisive role of physical presence and activity of the body for the success of these carefully planned events. . Commemorative sites can either be active sites of remembrance, or conditionally “passive” sites of heritage, depending on the presence or the absence of bodily action. Furthermore, the stated performativity defines commemorative events and their spaces as simultaneously tangible, i.e. monumental, and intangible, i.e. narration/practice, heritage. Based on the performance-based duality of commemorative events and their spaces, this paper aims to explore the necessity and limitations of their dual interpretation within contemporary heritage management practice. In order to do so, monumental sites of NOB (Peoples’ Liberation Struggle) are used as a case study, with an emphasis on the manner of their heritagization. By looking at the cases studies the following questions are to be addressed. If the initial performance still exists, can a site be considered as heritage? And if yes, should these sites be considered only as tangible or intangible heritage, or the two are bound to fuse? Furthermore, looking at the current changed narratives of these sites it is justified to ask who and why considers them as heritage?
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Čini se da uvodno moramo naglasiti dvije stvari: ponajprije Heideggerovu privolu da se dnevnički zapisi znani kao Crne bilježnice objelodane bez sadržajnih korekcija, osobito, naravno, po pitanju gledišta za koja postoji rizik da ih se ocijeni kao "otvoreni antisemitizam" i, kao drugo, radi se o završnom izdanju "Gesamtausgabe", što znači da je time ostvarena neka topologija pogleda unazad. Otuda zasigurno proizlazi i dilema urednika i zaklade Klostermann o tome kako iskoristiti ovu priliku, i istodobno posredno osigurati da cijeli Heideggerov opus zadrži svoju intelektualnu kredibilnost. Urednik izdanja Peter Trawny bio je gotovo primoran da izdanju ovih svezaka doprinese posebnim komentarom, te da se aktivno uključi u prateću medijsku kampanju.
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Review of: "Sjećanja žena žrtava nacizma i nedemokratskih režima", Sandra Prlenda, ur., Centar za ženske studije, Zagreb 2009., 98 pp.; by: Korana Radman
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In analyzing Nazism, both as a doctrine and as political practice. Hitler’s speeches can be extremely helpful, pregnant as they are with content and notions from the sphere of one of the ’most German’ political doctrines — Nazi geopolitics; it is a guideline and vindication for territorial expansion, without which there can be no Nazism by definition. Some fundamental terminological questions are considered (Lebensraum. Balkanization), as well as the geopolitical aspects of the territorial situation of Germany, due to which, according to geopolitical analysts. Germany was prevented from developing into a world power. A special problem for Germany was its political-territorial environment, which it should oppose only by a ruthless assertion of power politics. Germany’s geopolitical position is important for Western Europe as well, for Germany can play the role of anticommunist bulwark, a matter of vital interest for the western powers; the same role is assigned also to the historic Austrian Mark. One of the crucial geopolitical notions is Hitler’s concept of 'blood and soil', i.e. of pure German racial stock on German soil, including the problem of new living space; new Lebensraum,in turn, implies war and conquest, and this is the aspect of Nazism which makes it disastrous and criminal on a global scale. For Hitler, the new Lebensraum lay in the East — in Russia and in the Transdanubian regions; this east-bound tendency Is in keeping with the German role of anticommunist bulwark.
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When the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was formed, in the head of that state came so-called the Ustashe movement. The paper shows that in the period from 1941 until 1943 the NDH had required elements of statehood. The organization of the state authorities was made according to the model of the Ustashe organization with the title Poglavnik (Leader) in the head of the state who had all the dictatorial powers. The efficiency of the state authorities, but also necessary support of the enough number of population proves that the NDH had a constitution in its material sense, although the constitution was never brought. The foundations of the functioning of NDH were determined by uncodified constitution which was made of: The Ustashe Constitution (1929), The Principles of the Ustashe Movement (1933) and certain legislations of the constitutional significance which were adopted after the NDH was formed.
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Boris Begović, Zoran S. Mirković (ur.), Pravni poredak Nezavisne Države Hrvatske, Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, Beograd 2017, 356.
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Tri dana po kapitulaciji Jugoslavije, 20. aprila 1941. godine Adolf Hitler je proslavio svoj 52. rođendan. ceremonija je održana u specijalnom vozu u home se nalazio ,firerov glavni štab jugoistok“ („fiihrerhauptquartiersüdost) iz kogaje pratio napad na Jugoslaviju i Grčku, a kojije bio stacioniran na izlazu iz železničkog tunela kod mesta Menihkirhen u Štajerskoj, pedesetak kilometara odjugoslovenske granice. Među rođendanskim gostima, pored vojnog i partijskog vrha nemačkog Rajha, bili su i grof Ćano, admiral Horti i bugarski kralj Boris „као lešinari okupljeni oko trupla Jugoslavije, a proslavaje počela koncertom održanim ispred voza. Tadaje Hitleru uručen i prigodni rođendanski poklon, jedini ratni trofej iz raskomadane Jugoslavije - spomen-ploča Gavrilu Principu doneta iz okupiranog Sarajeva. Fotografiju uručenja ovog poklona načinioje njegov službeni fotograf, Hajnrih Hofman. [...]
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Kristofer Klark, „Najbolja slika oba rata“, intervju Nemanji Rujeviću, Vreme, Beograd, br. 1192, 7. novembar 2013.
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Gotovo ceo svet osuđuje Nemačku i Nemce. O našoj krivici raspravlja se sa gnevom, užasnutošću, mržnjom i prezrenjem, zahtevaju se kazna i odmazda. U tome ne učestvuju samo pobednici, već i pojedini nemački emigranti, pa čak i građani neutralnih zemalja. Ima ljudi u Nemačkoj koji priznaju krivicu, uključujući i sopstvenu, ali i mnogih koji sebe smatraju nevinima i druge proglašavaju krivim. Razumljivo je hteti prenebregnuti ovo pitanje; živimo u krajnjoj nuždi, a veliki delovi našeg stanovništva nalaze se u tako elementarnoj nevolji, da bi se reklo da su postali neosetljivi na ovakva razglabanja. Njih zanima ono što im može olakšati patnju, doneti posao i parče hleba, krov nad glavom i ogrev. Horizont im je sužen. [...]
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The review of / Prikaz: Slavko Goldstein, Jasenovac: tragika, mitomanija, istina, Fraktura, Zagreb, 2015.
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