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A View on the Nature of Transitional Identity Engineering in Serbia
By structuring his analysis into four key segments (1) Nationrelated contradictions and identity ambiguities; (2) Identity policies and multiculturalism; (3) Transitional identity engineering in Serbia, and (4) Projections of the future and prospects of multicultural strategies, the author corroborates the following thesis: regardless of numerous challenges of multiculturalism and dramatic open issues concerning the economic and financial crisis, as well as the refugee crisis, the EU policies of identity (both national and European) cannot preserve the advantage of the existing and globally unique civilizational values, nor can they prove their effectiveness in the consolidation of the democracy and integration of transition societies if the power to define identity is acquired (or preserved) by xenophobes and ethno-nationalists. Instead of traditional notions and (ultra)conservative (anti-)politics, the crisis requires new ideasand strategies. Therefore, multiculturalism should be given a real chance.
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Radicalisation processes impacting on disaffected and indoctrinated persons and the later involvement of some of them in acts of terrorism are of growing concern for European citizens, their governments and the wider international community. Addressing this threat requires effective prevention policies which some EU member states have been proactive in developing. Effective policies need reliable diagnostic tools designed to identify individuals and groups who might pose a threat. The publication provides a review of existing approaches and tools to identifying, monitoring and assessing radicalisation in Europe and beyond. It further offers a conceptual framework of radicalisation risk and vulnerability indicators and their interpretation as a basis for developing early-warning mechanisms for frontline practitioners in countries which are yet to develop specific prevention and counter-radicalisation policies. The target group of the guide are policymakers at national and EU levels, as well as practitioners directly involved in the prevention of radicalisation in Central and Eastern Europe and beyond.
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Between June and December 2005 the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research, supported by the Open Society Justice Initiative carried out a study of police stops. The resulting report Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria examines the use of stops by the Bulgarian police, focusing on the practices of disproportionate stops of members of the Roma ethnic minority. The report also highlights issues related to police abuse during stops as well as crime among in Roma communities. // The study is part of a Europe-wide initiative aimed to map discriminatory police practices across Europe. In addition to Bulgaria, research was carried out in Spain, Hungary and Russia indicating that there is disproportionate treatment of minorities by the police in all these countries. // Police stops are the main point of contact between officers and citizens. Police officers view stops as essential for detecting and preventing crime. Therefore, the appropriate use of this tool is crucial to police efficiency, whereas when used in the wrong way, it could seriously deteriorate the relations between citizens and the police. The findings and the report were launched at a public meeting of the National Crime Prevention Commission on September 19, 2006.
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Between June and December 2005 the Center for the Study of Democracy and Vitosha Research, supported by the Open Society Justice Initiative carried out a study of police stops. The resulting report Police Stops and Ethnic Profiling in Bulgaria examines the use of stops by the Bulgarian police, focusing on the practices of disproportionate stops of members of the Roma ethnic minority. The report also highlights issues related to police abuse during stops as well as crime among in Roma communities. // The study is part of a Europe-wide initiative aimed to map discriminatory police practices across Europe. In addition to Bulgaria, research was carried out in Spain, Hungary and Russia indicating that there is disproportionate treatment of minorities by the police in all these countries. // Police stops are the main point of contact between officers and citizens. Police officers view stops as essential for detecting and preventing crime. Therefore, the appropriate use of this tool is crucial to police efficiency, whereas when used in the wrong way, it could seriously deteriorate the relations between citizens and the police. // The findings and the report were launched at a public meeting of the National Crime Prevention Commission on September 19, 2006.
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This chapter looks into integration processes in a mid-state city in the case of Latin migrants. Discrimination and integration are discussed drawing upon rich qualitative material.
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20 years later: Journalists on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the first book published by UDIK. This publication documents the stories of local and foreign journalists and photo-journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who present their experiences and impressions of the war events of the nineties. How did information get out into the world from a city that was under siege for 44 months? What was crucial for the sleeping world to finally wake up? Irena Antić, Roy Gutman, Florence Hartmann, Ron Haviv, Morten Hvaal, Paulina Janusz, Robert King, Rémy Ourdan, Teofil Pančić, Tarik Samarah, Jasminka Šipka, Imre Szabó and Vanesa Vasić-Janeković speak about these and other topics.
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20 years after: Politicians on the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the title of the second book from the „20 years after“ edition, which aims to document the opinion, understanding and perception of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina by eminent intellectuals who are direct witnesses of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and many of them are still in public life and creating the political situation in our country. The publication represents the contribution of UDIK on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the end of the war and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Through the standard journalistic interview, as the most popular way of communication in journalism, an effort is made to show what politicians and intellectuals think about the Bosnian War. The book contains nine interviews with Mladen Bosić, Živko Budimir, Dragan Čavić, Nerzuk Ćurak, Dušanka Majkić, Stjepan Mesić, Zekerijah Osmić, Nebojša Radmanović and Dubravka Stojanović.
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This volume consists of 19 chapters that reflect the titular theme - Voiced and Voiceless in Asia - from a variety of angles, making use of diverse scholarly approaches and disciplines, while focusing specifically on China, India, Japan, and Taiwan. The chapters are broadly divided into two parts: (1) Politics and Society, and (2) Arts and Literature, although the texts included in the second part also deal with social themes. In addition to historical topics, such as Japanese colonialism or Chinese agricultural reforms in the 1950s, the volume also addresses current issues, including restrictive Chinese policies in Xinjiang, Japanese activist movements against gender-based violence and discrimination, or the problems of migrant laborers in India and performing arts in Japan during the COVID-19 pandemic. Likewise, it provides insight into satirical woodblock prints from the Boshin War period or works of literature produced in Japanese leprosariums in the first half of the 20th century, as well as into selected topics in contemporary Chinese, Japanese, and Sinophone Tibetan literature. Collectively, the chapters comprised in this volume narrate the multifaceted relationship between 'voice' and 'power,' thus highlighting the fact that the question of 'voice' is closely intertwined with a variety of social, political, and cultural issues.
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Israeli political life and, more broadly, the way the state operates, are often difficult to understand for the European observer. There are at least four reasons for this state of affairs. First, Israel’s political scene includes many elements that do not exist outside it and for whom analogies are difficult to find. Second, institutional, constitutional and political similarities to European countries are often incomplete and sometimes even misleading. Third, the Israeli reality is characterised by a considerable number of paradoxes, within which phenomena irreconcilable from a European perspective coexist. Fourth, the country’s politics routinely invokes contexts that are highly symbolically and emotionally charged, which paralyse the external observer with their gravity.
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Tokom konferencije održane u Sarajevu, ljeta 2016, pod nazivom “Trauma, pamćenje i ozdravljenje na Balkanu i šire” i šetnje sa sinom uskim ulicama starog grada, bilo mi je teško pomiriti tihu ljepotu i nježnu prirodu okruženja sa svakodnevnim kopanjem po bolu, gubitku i traumi od prije dvije decenije. Prebirući po sjećanjima na eksploziju meteža i nasilja koja je odjeknula ovim područjem tokom devedesetih godina i to iz nečega što je ličilo skrivenom skladištu toksične energije, osjetio sam da i u sadašnjosti postoji opipljiv nemir koji odjekuje uobičajenom ljudskom dilemom koja nije nova niti svojstvena isključivo ovoj regiji.
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Ova je knjiga rezultat višegodišnjeg, predanog istraživanja autora i autorki okupljenih oko projekta Trauma, pamćenje, ozdravljenje, koji je započet u oktobru 2013. godine u Tuzli, a potom je proširio svoje djelovanje pri Transkulturnoj psihosocijalnoj obrazovnoj (TPO) fondaciji Sarajevo, u okviru Programa za interdisciplinarno učenje i istraživanja – PIUIS (engl. PILAR). Zahvaljujući podršci TPO Fondacije i entuzijazmu ključnih aktera angažiranih u daljem razvoju PIUIS‐a, planirano je da ovaj projekat bude tek početak buduće suradnje u oblasti konstruktivnog suočenja s prošlošću i pomirenja. Cilj nam je organizirati rasutu znanstvenu i intelektualnu energiju koja bi pomogla u razumijevanju traumatiziranog društva, koje je samo jedan od problema ove kulture, a za koje želimo da postane značajan akter i u iznalaženju rješenja za mnoge druge probleme. Pokazalo se da su nove prilike u vidu neo‐ liberalne retorike više nalik propuštenoj šansi, nego istinskom otvaranju. Ovaj je projekat pokušaj uspostavljanja komunikacije, detabuizacije, de‐dogmatizacije, detraumatizacije i istraživanja uspostavljanjem diskursa. Radovi koje donosimo su, s jedne strane, akademski jer su utemljeni u metodologijama i teorijama određenih znanstvenih disciplina, a s druge strane, otvoreni su prema društvenoj stvarnosti koja je višestruko obilježena traumatskim markerima. Budući da su svi u relaciji prema takvoj stvarnosti, kao i u odnosu jedan s drugim, to ovaj projekat i čini jedinstvenim. U tim međutekstnim relacijama neminovno dolazi do razmjene transformativne tekstualne energije, razmjene ideja iz teksta u tekst, čime svaki tekst (svaka disciplina) dobija ili proširuje svoje i drugo značenje. Znamo da će ovi tekstovi utjecati na život budućih tekstova u ovom diskurzivnom prostoru, kao što vjerujemo da će pomoći u osmišljavanju novih i redefiniranju starih i pogrešnih kulturnih praksi. Trauma, pamćenje, ozdravljenje nema jednu jedinstvenu teorijsku podlogu, niti je može imati, s obzirom na različit fokus interesovanja, te joj je otuda i prirodna interdisciplinarnost. A ovaj je projekat, u najkraćem, uspostavljanje veza između pojedinki/pojedinaca i zajednice, između zajednica, između starijih i mlađih, između muškaraca i žena; između objektivne i subjektivne stvarnosti, između privatnog i javnog života, između usmene i pisane historije, između historije i sadašnjosti, između traumatiziranih i zajednice. Na koncu, zahvaljujemo se svima koji su učestvovali u procesu izrade ove knjige, a naročito autorima i autoricama ovih tekstova, i svima koji su na bilo koji način učestvovali u realizaciji ove knjige. Također, zahvaljujemo svima koji su uključeni u projekat koji podrazumijeva moralnu hrabrost, znanje, vrijeme i entuzijazam.
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Prošlo je trideset godina od početka opsade i odbrane Sarajeva. Sarajevo je, shodno velikosrpskom strategijskom planu, bio epicentar i glavni cilj agresije. Agresija JNA i srpskih oružanih jedinica iz Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije i Crne Gore na međunarodno priznatu državu Bosnu i Hercegovinu, po svim meritornim analizama, imala je široke razmjere i karakter Blitzkrieg, odnosno karakter brzo izvedene okupacije i opsade, prije svega, velikih gradova kao centara ekonomske, političke, kulturne moći i tradicijskog značaja, te posebice blokade vitalnih komunikacija (cestovnog, željezničkog, vazdušnog, pa i riječnog saobraćaja), a sve s ciljem pripajanja cijele teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji, a u kontekstu dogovora između Tuđmana i Miloševića, znatan dio Bosne i Hercegovine bio je namijenjen projekciji „Velike Hrvatske”. Sarajevo je do 6. aprila 1992. godine već bilo potpuno odsječeno. Komunikacijski presječeno. Jedinice JNA i srpske paravojne (četničke) jedinice već su bile na svim bitnim strateškim punktovima u Sarajevu i oko Sarajeva i šire regije; gledano sa striktno vojnog stajališta, planom blokade, opsade i osvajanje Sarajeva bilo je veoma dobro zamišljeno; zaposjednute su sve vitalne tačke: Trebević, Zlatište, Brus, Osmice, Žuč, Hum, Mrkovići, Borije, Špicasta stijena, itd., a koncentrirana vatrena moć je, po izjavama Karadžića, Mladića i Vojislava Šešelja, bila takva da je bila dovoljna po zamišljenim prognozama artiljerijski da napadne Italiju. Pet bivših korpusa JNA, od Riječkog, Zagrebačkog, Užičko-valjevskog i Titogradskog, itd. bilo je koncentrirano i raspoređeno u Bosni i Hercegovini, a od toga glavnina vatrene moći oko Sarajeva. Iza svake od tih strateških zajedničkih tačaka, koje su Sarajevo imale kao na dlanu i koje su ga tako bezočno uništavale i razarale, iza sebe su imale stručno napravljene komunikacijske i fortifikacijske linije, kompletne saobraćajnice, s pozadinskom logistikom, doturom municije, nafte, hrane i svega onoga što je bilo potrebno za uništavanje jednog velikog grada.
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This is a collection of studies trying to reveal various types of crimes and social responses to them, embracing relatively large time framework from medieval times up to our recent history. At the same time it has to be emphasized that analyzed cases and types of crimes do not reflect the most common and the most typical crimes throughout the history. Analyzed topics vary from questions regarding petty and violent crimes up to feuds in pre-modern societies, across problems of dealing with crime in the cities during the modernization processes, up to the perception, definition and usage of crime in turbulent times of defining the socialistic state and later during the Homeland War in Croatia.
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The year 1918 and the end of World War I marked a turning point in both European (and world) and Croatian history. The great material and human losses and the disappearance of the multinational, multi-religious and multicultural Austro-Hungarian Monarchy from the political map of Europe marked a critical moment in the history of the peoples living in its south. Croats, Slovenes, Serbs and Bosniaks, hitherto subjects of the black-yellow Monarchy, in the maelstrom of social and political forces are leaving the Central European cultural and civilizational circle and entering the Balkan geopolitical space, or the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia).
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The book "Never Again Yugoslavia" is the result of eight years of work by the author Stipe Kljaić, which began as part of his doctoral studies in history at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in Zagreb. In addition to Dr. Marija Jareb, Ph.D., the reviewers of the book were Dr. Davor Kovačić, Ph.D., and Prof. Ivo Banac, Ph.D., who also served as the mentor during the writing of the doctoral dissertation. The doctoral dissertation titled "Intellectuals and the Croatian National Question (1929–1945)" was defended at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in the spring of 2015. After defending the doctoral dissertation, the author further expanded and revised it, leading to its publication as the result of eight years of work. It is important to note that the book was published as part of the project "Croatia in the 20th Century: Modernization in Conditions of Pluralism and Monism," led by Dr. Zdenko Radelić, and financed by the Croatian Science Foundation.
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After the collapse of the political ideas that emerged from the revolutionary movement of 1848/49, a regime of neo-absolutism was introduced in the lands of the Habsburg Monarchy. During its ten-year period, the beginnings of the Pravaš ideology can be found. Ante Starčević and Eugen Kvaternik, disappointed by the collapse of the Revolution and its ideas of national and civil liberties, founded Pravaštvo as a new Croatian national integration and political ideology. In building the Pravaš ideology, its founders were inspired by the liberal principles of the French Revolution in their thinking about the Croatian state-legal tradition. Both undoubtedly emphasized the establishment of the Croatian state as their ultimate goal. During the session of the Croatian Parliament in 1861, the nucleus of the Party of Rights and its future versions was created. The representations of the renewed Rijeka County, which were accepted by its assembly and composed by A. Starčević, the great notary of Rijeka County, give the new party its first programmatic principles. All of them are contained in Starčević's fundamental idea that the Kingdom of Croatia is "completely independent of any state".
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