Around the Bloc: Council of Europe Slams Ukraine Probe of Odessa Deaths
Kyiv’s official investigation into street clashes and deadly fire that left 48 dead last spring falls short of European norms, CoE says.
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Kyiv’s official investigation into street clashes and deadly fire that left 48 dead last spring falls short of European norms, CoE says.
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Surprise announcement after meeting EU, U.S. diplomats follows PM’s earlier visit with Russian leader Putin.
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An idea of integration, understood as an advancing process of co-operation of European states on socio-economic levels, leads to a political involvement of states into development of institutions and procedures whose purpose is to provide general security internationally. Another element of this area of co-operation is fighting organized crime whose escalation occurred in the 20th century. The fact that the definition of organized crime itself has many aspects and is changeable makes it a controversial issue both in the domestic law and in the largely understood international law. Thus, the states aim at creating, both globally and regionally, a uniform definition. Tightening of the international co-operation in criminal cases is a pre-requisite for realization of procedures and reaction means to globalization of crime. For a few dozen years, the European Union has been attempting to form a legal framework for co-operation of both courts and police forces in criminal cases. Starting from the informal structures of TREVI, through the so-called acquis Schengen, until coming into force of the Treaty on the European Union, which gave rise to the institutionalized co-operation of member-states in fighting organized crime. Some structures coming into being within the police co-operation of European states, such as Europol, the Police Chiefs Task Force, or CEPOL, changed the position of a member-state in possibility of confronting their forces with the transnational criminal reality. In the face of more frequently occurring negative effects of opening borders between the EU member-states, tightening of co-operation between individual police forces became a necessity, but also a manifestation of realization of the European standards for protection of human rights, freedom, democracy, and public security.
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Ex-Serbian province faces years of difficult negotiations on full EU membership.
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The article aims to analyze the issue of respect for human rights as a general objective of the EU’s external action. It does so from a legal and political perspective, starting with a brief overview of the legal framework which firmly places human rights at the centre of the EU’s external relations. The EU’s main policy framework and main external instruments will be subsequently described. The concluding section contains some critical remarks on the EU’s aspiration to establish itself as a global promoter of values, in particular the need to improve the coherence and effectiveness of its human rights external policy. Such a need stems from, among others, a fragmentation of the EU’s competences between supranational economic actions and intergovernmental CFSP as well as the absence of clear and strong EU powers in the area of human rights. The present situation involves a paradox, because, on the one hand, there is a lack of Treaty regulations providing clearly that respect for human rights is a general and cross-cutting component of internal EU policies whereas, on the other hand, under these regulations the protection of human rights is seen as an important objective of the EU’s external action.
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In this article we want to discuss and demonstrate significant values of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina with built-in mechanisms for the preservation and protection of a multicultural society, human and civil rights and freedoms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Basic documents to highlight the values such as human and civil rights that are guaranteed by the Constitution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are in fact the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina with all international conventions and declarations which are an integral part of the Constitution and above all laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For twenty years, the current desire of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been to approximate to the European legal legacy in order to qualify to become a full member of the EU and NATO. Numerous attempts executed by the ruling parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina mostly ended in failure, and were subject to very frequent excuses of blaming the Dayton Peace Agreement and the Dayton Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We want to show that the reforms and the approximation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union is possible without changes to the Dayton Peace Agreement, but with consistent application of the Constitution and of all adopted laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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A new integrated information system, based on electronic document, is to be implemented in the Polish Health Care System in 2017. Electronic medical records are the obligatory form of medical documentation in this system. Two crucial elements of this system are: EHR (Electronic Health Record), i.e. defining criteria and standards of electronic medical documentation and constructing a communication system allowing exchange of data and information between various institutions – stakeholders functioning in the healthcare system. IHE XDS (Integrating of Health Enterprise Cross Enterprise Document Sharing), developed specially for usage in healthcare systems, should be implemented in the Polish healthcare information system as both a local and global solution. European Union regulations dealing with electronic public service, openness and interoperability of information systems are important requirements and standards.
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The referendum and the popular initiative as the forms of direct democracy are more and more present in the decision making process within the model of the representative democracy. ‘’Let the citizens be the lawmakers for one single day” is a principle especially current in the European states. Envisaged as a corrective, but not as the substitution for representative democracy, it is both glorified and contested at the same time. From their basic function consisting of the elected politicians control and the wider citizen’s participation in the politics, they can also become a means of the manipulation. The Serbian experience with these political mechanisms is not so different comparing with the average situation- we have more referendums, but less popular initiatives, especially on the local level. The Serbian constitution from 2006. has precised and aggravated the conditions of using of the referendum and popular initiative. On the basis of this constitution was made the draft of law. The proposed solutions are in accordance with the EU recommendations regarding good referendum practice, but they also admit the dilemmas about the setting of the turnout quorum and quorum for acceptance of the referendum decisions.
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The Balkan question is both a historical and a political one. With the coming together of some European countries to form the European Union (EU); it became necessary for these countries to forge head both on the economic and the political fronts. This in essence has accentuated the gains made by these European countries but it has had its attendant ramifications. This notwithstanding, the idea of European integration on the principle of peace, common history, cultural and economic development cannot be fully realised since some sectors of Europe is neutral or isolated. The literature on the nature of such integrations especially the need for the integration of the Balkan regions should continue to be discussed and implemented. This paper however, looks at the literature from a social and political history point of view and projects the necessary turns that Europe has made and the need to come to a useful end in the discourse that leads us to observing or witnessing a united Europe whose socio-economic, political and military complex holds its own against the odds but also for the common good of humanity.
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In their article, the authors presented preliminary results of the surveys concerning the impact of implementation of the aid projects on the region’s economy. They focused their attention on the three problems which, at the same time, determine the study’s structure. In the first part, they brought closer the main problems related to the development of innovative processes in the European economy, indicating, inter alia, implications of the financial crisis of the years 2008-2009. The unfavourable impact of the environment on the growth of the level of Polish enterprises’ innovativeness, the widening bureaucracy and low outlays on the R&D sector in the Polish economy are the issues dealt with in the second part of the article. Despite the extremely unfavourable terms of functioning, owing to enterprise and use of high technologies, the development is, nevertheless, possible, examples of what are some enterprises from the Opole Province. The article is of the research nature and is a part of the report where there were used the analysis of the already existing sources, documentary analysis, and the expert method.
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We are at the threshold of the new assignment of EU funds for the period of 2014-2020. An aim of considerations is to present the effects and opportunities of the use of financial means by entrepreneurs. In her article, the author presented the most important programmes from the European Union. She undertook an attempt to determine the interest in EU funds in the new perspective. She examined the entrepreneurs’ sentiments related to the new approach to assigning financial means and to the impact of their decisions on firms’ development. In her work, the author took into account findings of the surveys conducted in the sector of small and mediumsized enterprises. The surveys analysis allows concluding that in the new financial perspective entrepreneurs will apply with a greater determination for EU funds. The survey findings may serve as an example for other business entities. The article is of the research nature.
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This paper compares the foreign policies of the Republic of Croatia towards the regions of Latin America and the Middle East, aiming to identify the similarities and the differences. During the 1990s Croatia was primarily interested in diplomatic recognition and the establishment of diplomatic relations. In the period of 2001-2012 Latin America and the Middle East were not able to contribute to the achievement of main foreign policy goals – membership in NATO and the EU – so they stayed out of the interests of foreign policy creators. We argue that Croatia has not established a defined foreign policy towards the mentioned regions, and that political significance of a particular Latin American and Middle Eastern country was determined by its economic importance (Croatian export) and in the case of Latin America by the size of the diaspora. The first section briefly outlines the first decade of Croatian foreign policy (1991-2001) and the second section focuses on the empirical assessment of the determinants of Croatian foreign policy toward the countries of Latin America and the Middle East during the period ranging between 2001 and 2012. Bilateral relations between Croatia and Latin American countries are good but not developed. The reason for this is the geographical distance of Latin America and perception of low significance of majority of the countries, and that will not change. On the other hand, there is no correlation between economic and diplomatic importance of Middle Eastern countries for Croatia. Therefore, Croatia’s foreign policy towards these countries was not guided by economic incentives.
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In this article, the author explains and describes the level and models of regionalization of the different European countries, as well as theoretical and practical differences between notion of regionalization and notion of decentralization. Within this text Constitutions and relevant Laws comprising legal norms on regionalization and decentralization issues of the following European countries were analysed and presented: Italy, Belgium and Spain. The example of the countries that remained absolutely centralized were mentioned in this paper too (Greece, Iceland, Ireland...). The necessity for a comparative analysis of legislative framework, which in some European countries regulate the subject matter of regionalization and decentralization, has arisen due to the fact that the main political parties of the Republic of Serbia recently have started public debate about possibilities for future regionalization and decentralization of the Serbian unitary state. Although comparative analysis presented within this paper contribute to the future process of legal drafting of Serbian regulations that would prescribe the model of regionalization of the Republic of Serbia, it is necessary to stress that automatical takeover of any foreign model and simple copying of foreign laws, without taking into account about specific needs of the Republic of Serbia and conditions in which is its political system, can lead only to creation of ideal theoretical model that would not have a big chance to be efficiently applied in practice. Due to above explained reasons, on the occasion of defining strategical starting points for the development of modern legal framework regulating regionalization of the Republic of Serbia, it is necessary to take into account and fully accept the characteristics of Serbian state, Serbian culture and legal tradition. Besides that, the reform of the legal framework regulating regionalization and decentralization should be observed and treated as the essential part of the more comprehensive reform process of the reform of Serbian Constitutional System.
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Small island state in the Mediterranean is an example of highly developed environment which has succeeded in maintaining a low crime rate -the lowest in the European Union. In this paper an effort is made to explain the state of crime in Malta, which is achieved with simultaneously mild penal policy of the courts and one of the lowest rate of sentenced persons in Europe. What is more interesting, it is a country with a very permissive attitude in approving the asylum to illegal immigrants. The most important reason of this condition is the solidarity of members in the community which acts as a strong preventive factor.
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On 14 April 2009, the National Council for European Integration and the Association "Macedonia without Discrimination" organized a public debate in the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia on the draft-text of the Law on Protection against Discrimination. The President of the Council, Radmila Sekerinska, gave an introductory explanation and directions for this discussion.
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Establishment of an international center for social work as a strategic goal for the EU region puts the needs of people (civil society, the direct carriers of social work activities, experts, governmental and profitable sector) at the center of development and international cooperation between both developed countries and countries in transition. Through an integrated database (joint research, publications, lectures and practical experiences, multiculturalism, study tours, educational system, program accreditation, education, etc.) it relativizes the conflicting development goals, minimizes the uncertainty in terms of development goals planning, maximizes the social benefit, sets tasks and priorities of the strategic plans (from national to global), envisages measures and activities based on scientific expertise and elaborates. Concreteness and the principle of active participation follow the concept: “Are we on the right track?” The arena of social knowledge creates the conditions for a new definition of social work and the authenticity of the profession.
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The problem of mass migration is widely discussed in the circles of European intellectuals. Of course, the views of intelligentsia members on the state of migration policy and regulation of migration processes in Europe are different. In this article the author examines positions of two prominent European thinkers and public intellectuals: Alain Finkielkraut (France) and Julian Nida-Rumelin (Germany). The aim of the article is to consider views of these intelligentsia members of the United Europe in terms of the attitude of France and Germany to the problem of migration, including period of the migration crisis in Europe.
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The institutional reform of the European Union, especially as introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, has led to the strengthening of some of the actors within the political system of this integration grouping. The European Council is one of the winners of these developments, which is visible – among other things – in the fields considered to be of key importance for the European project, for example external activities. This analysis aims at testing the dynamism of the decision-making process of the European council in the context of the immigration crisis of 2015. It tries to approach the issue conceptually, combining the grand theories of the European studies with the theoretical concepts of the still emerging discipline of border studies. This empirical analysis is based on a content analysis of European Council summits’ Conclusions. The author claims that the European Council has not only become a key platform for deciding about the most pressing issues within the European Union, but also that its approach to the Union’s borders has evolved towards the rebordering of its edges, when structuring the relations with its neighborhood.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the European Union’s cooperation with Iran in the context of a nuclear agreement, including opportunities and threats at the political, economic and security level resulting from its achievement. The article also addresses the assessment of the effectiveness and participation of EU diplomacy in the negotiation process and the Union’s negotiating position against the background of the most important international actors, as well as the implications of the suspension of the nuclear agreement by the US administration for the future of relations with Iran and the role of Europe in maintaining dialogue with that country. The article is divided into 4 parts. The first concerns the importance of Iran in Middle East and for the European Union. The second genesis of the nuclear program and the role of the European Union in reaching 2015 compromise. The third is devoted to the new opening of cooperation with Iran after 2015. The last part evaluates Union’s strategy and actions towards Iran in the context of suspension of the nuclear agreement by the American administration.
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This article examines the changes in Turkey’s migration and refugee policies in the light of evolving Turkish Foreign Policy. The main argument of the paper is that while the purpose of the immigration and refugee policies between 2000-2011 was to motivated to comply with the EU standards to achieve the accession as quickly as possible, in the later period, between 2011-2017, Turkey instrumentally used migration/refugee policies to increase its manuvering power with respect to Europe and enhanced its leadership claims in the Middle East. Moreover, the paper approaches to the foreign policy of Turkey in this period as Europeanization and de-Europeanization. In the first period, which can be characterized as Europeanization, the EU encouraged Turkey to become more security-oriented in its border security and visa policies. Turkey sometimes tried to make the required adjustments and sometimes it resisted the EU reforms by protecting its ‘flexible’ migration regime, depending on its faith in Europe’s sincerity for Turkey’s EU membership. In the later period, with the increased influence of Ahmet Davutoğlu in Turkish Foreign Policy, de-Europeanization has affected the evolution of Turkey’s migration policy discourse. The final stroke in this period was the Syrian refugee crisis which has changed the balance of power in the international system and once again obliged Europe to engage with Turkey despite the tense relations.
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