Around the Bloc: Council of Europe Slams Ukraine Probe of Odessa Deaths
Kyiv’s official investigation into street clashes and deadly fire that left 48 dead last spring falls short of European norms, CoE says.
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Kyiv’s official investigation into street clashes and deadly fire that left 48 dead last spring falls short of European norms, CoE says.
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Surprise announcement after meeting EU, U.S. diplomats follows PM’s earlier visit with Russian leader Putin.
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An idea of integration, understood as an advancing process of co-operation of European states on socio-economic levels, leads to a political involvement of states into development of institutions and procedures whose purpose is to provide general security internationally. Another element of this area of co-operation is fighting organized crime whose escalation occurred in the 20th century. The fact that the definition of organized crime itself has many aspects and is changeable makes it a controversial issue both in the domestic law and in the largely understood international law. Thus, the states aim at creating, both globally and regionally, a uniform definition. Tightening of the international co-operation in criminal cases is a pre-requisite for realization of procedures and reaction means to globalization of crime. For a few dozen years, the European Union has been attempting to form a legal framework for co-operation of both courts and police forces in criminal cases. Starting from the informal structures of TREVI, through the so-called acquis Schengen, until coming into force of the Treaty on the European Union, which gave rise to the institutionalized co-operation of member-states in fighting organized crime. Some structures coming into being within the police co-operation of European states, such as Europol, the Police Chiefs Task Force, or CEPOL, changed the position of a member-state in possibility of confronting their forces with the transnational criminal reality. In the face of more frequently occurring negative effects of opening borders between the EU member-states, tightening of co-operation between individual police forces became a necessity, but also a manifestation of realization of the European standards for protection of human rights, freedom, democracy, and public security.
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Ex-Serbian province faces years of difficult negotiations on full EU membership.
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The article aims to analyze the issue of respect for human rights as a general objective of the EU’s external action. It does so from a legal and political perspective, starting with a brief overview of the legal framework which firmly places human rights at the centre of the EU’s external relations. The EU’s main policy framework and main external instruments will be subsequently described. The concluding section contains some critical remarks on the EU’s aspiration to establish itself as a global promoter of values, in particular the need to improve the coherence and effectiveness of its human rights external policy. Such a need stems from, among others, a fragmentation of the EU’s competences between supranational economic actions and intergovernmental CFSP as well as the absence of clear and strong EU powers in the area of human rights. The present situation involves a paradox, because, on the one hand, there is a lack of Treaty regulations providing clearly that respect for human rights is a general and cross-cutting component of internal EU policies whereas, on the other hand, under these regulations the protection of human rights is seen as an important objective of the EU’s external action.
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In this article we want to discuss and demonstrate significant values of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina with built-in mechanisms for the preservation and protection of a multicultural society, human and civil rights and freedoms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Basic documents to highlight the values such as human and civil rights that are guaranteed by the Constitution in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are in fact the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina with all international conventions and declarations which are an integral part of the Constitution and above all laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For twenty years, the current desire of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been to approximate to the European legal legacy in order to qualify to become a full member of the EU and NATO. Numerous attempts executed by the ruling parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina mostly ended in failure, and were subject to very frequent excuses of blaming the Dayton Peace Agreement and the Dayton Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We want to show that the reforms and the approximation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union is possible without changes to the Dayton Peace Agreement, but with consistent application of the Constitution and of all adopted laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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A new integrated information system, based on electronic document, is to be implemented in the Polish Health Care System in 2017. Electronic medical records are the obligatory form of medical documentation in this system. Two crucial elements of this system are: EHR (Electronic Health Record), i.e. defining criteria and standards of electronic medical documentation and constructing a communication system allowing exchange of data and information between various institutions – stakeholders functioning in the healthcare system. IHE XDS (Integrating of Health Enterprise Cross Enterprise Document Sharing), developed specially for usage in healthcare systems, should be implemented in the Polish healthcare information system as both a local and global solution. European Union regulations dealing with electronic public service, openness and interoperability of information systems are important requirements and standards.
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The referendum and the popular initiative as the forms of direct democracy are more and more present in the decision making process within the model of the representative democracy. ‘’Let the citizens be the lawmakers for one single day” is a principle especially current in the European states. Envisaged as a corrective, but not as the substitution for representative democracy, it is both glorified and contested at the same time. From their basic function consisting of the elected politicians control and the wider citizen’s participation in the politics, they can also become a means of the manipulation. The Serbian experience with these political mechanisms is not so different comparing with the average situation- we have more referendums, but less popular initiatives, especially on the local level. The Serbian constitution from 2006. has precised and aggravated the conditions of using of the referendum and popular initiative. On the basis of this constitution was made the draft of law. The proposed solutions are in accordance with the EU recommendations regarding good referendum practice, but they also admit the dilemmas about the setting of the turnout quorum and quorum for acceptance of the referendum decisions.
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The Balkan question is both a historical and a political one. With the coming together of some European countries to form the European Union (EU); it became necessary for these countries to forge head both on the economic and the political fronts. This in essence has accentuated the gains made by these European countries but it has had its attendant ramifications. This notwithstanding, the idea of European integration on the principle of peace, common history, cultural and economic development cannot be fully realised since some sectors of Europe is neutral or isolated. The literature on the nature of such integrations especially the need for the integration of the Balkan regions should continue to be discussed and implemented. This paper however, looks at the literature from a social and political history point of view and projects the necessary turns that Europe has made and the need to come to a useful end in the discourse that leads us to observing or witnessing a united Europe whose socio-economic, political and military complex holds its own against the odds but also for the common good of humanity.
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The review of: “Eastern Chessboard. Geopolitical Determinants and Challenges in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus” by Piotr Bajor & Kamila Shöll-Mazurek; Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2015, pp. 268. ISBN: 9788376386485
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The review of: “EU Cohesion Policy in Practice. What Does It Achieve?” by John Bachtler, Iain Begg, David Charles and Laura Polverari; Rowman & Littlefield International, London, p. 160. ISBN: 978-1-78348-722-6
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Transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe and deep economic reforms in China and other emerging countries did not end the variety of economic systems. Various brands of comparative economics have shown this variety in both theory and different countries. An increasingly important form of this variety concerns the process of European integration. Systemic differences within the European Union are the source of difficulties and tensions, of a European conundrum that appears in different forms and ways and that make the sustainability and progress of integration difficult. This article looks at the logic of and proposals by the “New Comparative Economics” and the “Variety of Capitalisms” literature to find an explanation to the problems and difficulties that the European integration is meeting, going beyond the standard technical explanations based on European convergence criteria. It finds that both theories, although important and useful for contributing to solving the European conundrum, do not account sufficiently for the novelty and the complexity of European integration.
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This paper was originally published as a chapter in the author’s recent book Europe since 1980 (Cambridge University Press, 2010). The book tells the dramatic story of the economic, social, political, and cultural transformation of Europe during the transition from the Cold War to the European Union. The author charts the overwhelming impact of the collapse of communism on every aspect of European life. Europe became safer and more united, and Central and Eastern Europe started on the difficult road to economic modernization. However, the western half of Europe also changed. European integration gained momentum. The single market and the common currency were introduced, and the Union enlarged from nine to twenty-seven countries. This period also saw a revolution in information and communication technology, the increasing impact of globalization and the radical restructuring of the political system. The book explores the impact of all of these changes as well as the new challenges posed by the economic crisis of 2008–9 and asks which way now for Europe?
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The study of happiness and economics indicates a paradox: rising income has not led to increases in long term levels of life satisfaction. Evidence shows that citizens adapt to the growth of GDP, but an important difference among certain countries in connection with life satisfaction and the deviation from trend growth has been found: Spain, Italy, Portugal and Greece adapt to the trend growth of their economies; other European countries, however, do not. This suggests that some characteristics of their welfare state, such as the inability to create sufficient equity might leave their citizens more dependent on economic variables such as rising income. Only in boom times can the young, uneducated or the elderly find access to the otherwise restricted labor market and have a chance to escape the poverty trap. In this regard the paper places special emphasis on the issue of global competition by linking the subject with the current state of the European Union.
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This paper starts with some definitions and concepts to clarify what we have in mind when we talk about economic institutions and the political economy of transition. Much discussion of the area is characterised by ambiguity and confusion, and while there are many partial theories of institutions covering specific cases, we still lack an all encompassing theory. The institutions important for transition are introduced next, this discussion helping to make clear the critical distinction between institutions per se, and the concrete organisational and legal forms through which they are implemented in particular country settings. For those transition economies that have already joined, or wish to join the EU, this includes some remarks on the acquis communautaire. Some empirical evidence on the role of institutions in facilitating transition and fostering post-socialist economic growth is then reviewed, finding support for the rule of law, secure property rights (ownership and business contracts) and liberal trade. As an aside to the main argument, a brief account of possible directions of institutional reform in North Korea is presented. Finally, the concluding section outlines what transition has taught us about the roles of institutions in economic life, and highlights some important unsettled issues, including the problem of embedding new institutions in different cultural settings.
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In the aftermath of the Lehman Brothers collapse, Germany’s insistence that each country was to defend its banking system on its own rather than by the European Union acting jointly, is what triggered the euro crisis. This made it inevitable that the weakest countries with the least healthy public finances would sooner or later come under attack. It is argued that the root of the crisis is not excessive sovereign debt but the deficient construction of the euro and, more specifically, the absence of a common treasury. The main lessons of the crisis are briefly presented, and a less evident lesson, at least for economists, is discussed at length. This is that national pride and prejudice can influence the unfolding of events in uncertain and dangerous ways that do not make rational sense. In the concluding sections, the present state of the crisis and the future prospects for Europe are examined and, finally, Greece’s future is assessed in the light of this analysis.
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On 14 April 2009, the National Council for European Integration and the Association "Macedonia without Discrimination" organized a public debate in the Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia on the draft-text of the Law on Protection against Discrimination. The President of the Council, Radmila Sekerinska, gave an introductory explanation and directions for this discussion.
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Establishment of an international center for social work as a strategic goal for the EU region puts the needs of people (civil society, the direct carriers of social work activities, experts, governmental and profitable sector) at the center of development and international cooperation between both developed countries and countries in transition. Through an integrated database (joint research, publications, lectures and practical experiences, multiculturalism, study tours, educational system, program accreditation, education, etc.) it relativizes the conflicting development goals, minimizes the uncertainty in terms of development goals planning, maximizes the social benefit, sets tasks and priorities of the strategic plans (from national to global), envisages measures and activities based on scientific expertise and elaborates. Concreteness and the principle of active participation follow the concept: “Are we on the right track?” The arena of social knowledge creates the conditions for a new definition of social work and the authenticity of the profession.
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The problem of mass migration is widely discussed in the circles of European intellectuals. Of course, the views of intelligentsia members on the state of migration policy and regulation of migration processes in Europe are different. In this article the author examines positions of two prominent European thinkers and public intellectuals: Alain Finkielkraut (France) and Julian Nida-Rumelin (Germany). The aim of the article is to consider views of these intelligentsia members of the United Europe in terms of the attitude of France and Germany to the problem of migration, including period of the migration crisis in Europe.
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This article examines the changes in Turkey’s migration and refugee policies in the light of evolving Turkish Foreign Policy. The main argument of the paper is that while the purpose of the immigration and refugee policies between 2000-2011 was to motivated to comply with the EU standards to achieve the accession as quickly as possible, in the later period, between 2011-2017, Turkey instrumentally used migration/refugee policies to increase its manuvering power with respect to Europe and enhanced its leadership claims in the Middle East. Moreover, the paper approaches to the foreign policy of Turkey in this period as Europeanization and de-Europeanization. In the first period, which can be characterized as Europeanization, the EU encouraged Turkey to become more security-oriented in its border security and visa policies. Turkey sometimes tried to make the required adjustments and sometimes it resisted the EU reforms by protecting its ‘flexible’ migration regime, depending on its faith in Europe’s sincerity for Turkey’s EU membership. In the later period, with the increased influence of Ahmet Davutoğlu in Turkish Foreign Policy, de-Europeanization has affected the evolution of Turkey’s migration policy discourse. The final stroke in this period was the Syrian refugee crisis which has changed the balance of power in the international system and once again obliged Europe to engage with Turkey despite the tense relations.
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