Ján Botík, Slovenská dolná zem. Historický a etnokultúrny vývin slovenských minorít v Maďarsku, Rumunsku, Srbsku a Bulharsku
Vydavateľstvo / Editura Ivan Krasko, Nădlac (Arad) 2019, România, стр. 191.
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Vydavateľstvo / Editura Ivan Krasko, Nădlac (Arad) 2019, România, стр. 191.
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The paper analyzes the size and structure of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The population censuses of 1921 and 1931 are the main source for the research. The statistical and census materials are compared to a number of studies from the fields of historiography, ethnography and anthropogeography. A number of papers raising doubts about how objective the census results are in regard to the number of Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia are also critically addressed.
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Moving to Romania in 1922, Hagop Djololian Siruni distinguished himself in short time obtaining the support and guidance of well-known historians such as Nicolae Iorga or Aurelian Sacerdoțeanu. He published numerous studies and articles based on archival sources in scientific journals such as ”Analele Academiei Române”, ”Revista Istorică”, ”Balcania”, ”Hrisovul”, ”Arhiva Românească” or ”Revista Arhivelor”. Also, he had a special merit in the development of Oriental Studies in Romania by teaching Armenian and Turkish; the first generation of Romanian researchers in the field of Turkology owed their preparation to Siruni and his language courses. However, the real ”treasure” that he left for the benefit of future generations of Orientalists is the ”Siruni Fond”, nowadays in custody of the National Archives of Romania. Composed of 1975 archival units and having the years 1597 and 1973 as time limits, the fond is too little known and used for scientific research. The reason why the documents and materials are in the possession of the Romanian Archives was the secret police agency involvement in the takeover of Siruni’s belongings.
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Dark academia is a fandom-created genre that draws on campus novels and thriller murder mysteries and extrapolates its aesthetic affects from the Gothic. At the heart of dark academia is a story set in a nostalgic academic fantasy that involves murder, a close-knit group of students who are obsessed with each other and detrimentally absorbed in their intellectual pursuits. Using nostalgia theory, I argue that the genre’s theme of darkness in tandem with its affects of nostalgia operate as simulacra for the anxieties experienced in academia and on campuses, specifically for its student body. Dark academia as a genre is a reaction to the political threats to the humanities education, which stands for a reification of the value of a more classical education for the love of learning. But, at the same time, while some bathe academia in a nostalgic light, others have criticized how dark academia turns a blind eye to structural issues inherent in academia for generations. However, dark academia is a contemporary genre that quickly evolves in response to those criticisms. By tracing the history of dark academia and its canon development over the years, I examine how dark academia self-critiques campus nostalgia and unveils the academy’s history of violence against women and racism against people of colour.
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This study aims to reconstruct the self-perception of the Karaite community in Vilnius during 1913–1939. The research is based on a review of two Karaite periodicals, Караимскоеcлово(Karaite Word), published in Russian from 1913–1914, and Myśl Karaimska (Karaite Thought), published in Polish from 1924–1939. Both periodicals served to develop national selfawareness and a spiritual revival of the whole Karaite nation by covering history, politics and literature. In Karaimskoye Slovo, Karaites identified themselves as Israelites; in Myśl Karaimska, some high-level representatives openly emphasized their Turkic origins. State and institutional discrimination against the Jewish population had become a major issue over the years, creating a volatile platform for change while breaking with the eternal sense of Karaite identity as people of Israel. This paper contributes to the literature on the history of the Karaite community in Vilnius in the early decades of the twentieth century.
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Over the last two decades, the concept of ‘the commons’ has been rediscovered as a powerful organizing principle in social movements, radical political thought, and critical theory. The concept of commoning has also been adopted within discussions of migration and critical mobilities research. This article will first trace some of these emerging ideas of com-moning as a relational practice found in many political mobilizations around ‘reclaiming the commons’. Then it will turn to approaches to commoning that seek to complicate Euro-American histories by centering Indigenous practices of radical commoning, Caribbean and African diaspora mobile commoning, and recent concepts such as undercommons, queer commons, and migrant mobile commoning. The article asks: How can such practices of radical mobile com-moning help us envision ways to unmake the existing violent settlings and destructive im/mobilities of enclosure, coloniality, imperialism, and capitalist extraction?
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The 1990s and the early 2000s was a period of revitalization of the Romani studies in Romania. Participants in the process were non-Roma as well as Roma authors. The religious practices and the affiliations of the Romanies was regarded to be a significant matter to start building a dignified profile of the ethnic group from the perspective of the in - group members who ventured to participate in knowledge production. If a first generation of Roma intellectuals were more concerned to find correlations and provide explanations in a more or less essentialized fashion, the analysis of the scientific literature authored by a young generation of the in-group members indicate a certain tendency to over-politicize the topic of religiosity and the religious affiliation of the Romanian Romanies. In the process, the Romanian Orthodox Church has been turned into a target. Specifically, the acknowledgment that the dominating religious actor from Romania took part in the perpetuation of the state of slavery of the Romanies makes Romanian Orthodoxy vulnerable to a series of recent public attacks. This inglorious past is used to symbolically and rhetorically justify the ongoing reaffiliation of the Romanies to neo Protestant churches. Recognizably, the politicization of the religious affiliation of the minority group was started by a first generation of Romanian Roma intellectuals and the young generation only intensified their attacks. If one considers the in-group knowledge production in a comparative manner, one can realize that a first generation of Romanian Roma intellectuals found it reasonable to accommodate the Romanipen to the religious background dominating in Romania, while a young generation has chosen to overtly and loudly confront the national hegemon religious institution. This is the main trend, but, as I will demonstrate it is not at all a unique approach to the religiosity of the Romanies as undertook by in-group voices. Some Romanian Roma authors have preferred to re-write back to their ethnic and generational peers and to take sides with the Romanian Orthodox Church. In their research, the Romanies end up being blamed by a mendacious relation to the religious institution to which the majority Romanian population has been affiliating for centuries. At the same time, the neo-Protestant churches are suspected to act superficially and their missionary work among the Roma communities could be indirectly suggested to represent the convenient meeting ground between two religious scammers. In the present paper, I discuss to what extent the new generation of Romanian Roma intellectuals have considered suitable to weaponize the knowledge production on this specific matter and outline the political stakes behind the arguments employ to carry this symbolical and rhetorical battle between in-group narratives.
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This article analyzes the imagological relations between Romanians and Hungarians in the Middle Ages. The main question of our study is whether there was ethnic discrimination in medieval Transylvania or whether the relations and the conflicts between Romanians and Hungarians were mainly of a social nature. The sources used are documents issued in the chancelleries of the Kingdom of Hungary, as well as linguistic and ethnographic sources.
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Iasenova (Jasenovo) is one of the characteristic villages in the Serbian Banat where the Romanian ethnic element, once quite strong, was completely assimilated, so that today in this place only the family names still prove the former presence in large numbers of this ethnic group in the 18thand the 19th century, which had a significant percentage of representatives of the petty bourgeoisie, represented by craftsmen and merchants. Despite this fact, their origin from different parts of the Romanian ethnic space and the lack of organization on a national level facilitated the rapid assimilation of this population and its complete Serbianization during the nineteenth century. Attempts to establish a Romanian Orthodox parish in the years of the hierarchical separation of the Serbian and Romanian Orthodox Church failed, as did attempts to organize education in the Romanian language in this village, an occurence which actually happened in many places throughout the Serbian Banat.
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In the present paper we aim to analyze the specific situations of several minorities groups Republic of Moldova has developed an ample legal framework for the protection of minority rights. The political and legal measures concerning the protection of minorities targeted to assign certain special forms and conditions of autonomy by establishing special statutes adopted by organic laws. There are put to the issue the interpretations of territorial and non-territorial autonomy as policies for the minorities’ protection. The study argues that any model of autonomy, whether territorial or non-territorial, is viable when it can provide three desiderata: The protection of ethnic identity, impact on human development and the maintenance of the national unity of the state. The choice of territorial or non-territorial autonomy must be weighed depending on the moral force of identity claims. The political and legal measures adopted by the Republic of Moldova by rendering territorial autonomy to Gagauz ethnicity disregard the basic criteria for assessing the claims of ethnic minorities, largely ignoring the normative political theory in the analysis of decisions that target the management of ethnic diversity. We suggest that for the Republic of Moldova a model of non-territorial autonomy will respond more effectively to identity manifestations, provided that they are assumed as “local management” in the ethno-cultural sphere, based on the principle of local autonomy and decentralization.
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This analysis has to start with a similarity between the trauma of the Armenian Genocide and the trauma of the Sèvres Syndrome. Thus, it is of utmost importance to understand that both traumas are real, they both stand for real suffering for many people. They both mean fear, anxiety, distrust at a societal level. But the way these traumas came into existence and the way they are being used, often in their own interest, by the elites of these societies are just two of the very important differences between them. Even though the suffering is real in both cases, the way this suffering occured and the way it is being passed on over generations, just as well as the means and the reasons of why they are being transferred over generations, are very different in the case of The Armenian Genocide and The Sèvres Syndrome.
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This paper highlights and explains the contribution of the Romanian Constitution of 1923 to the building of the Romanian ethnocentric (national) constitutional identity and its decisive impact upon the constitutional and political developments along the Romanian 20th century. Grounded in the Romanian constitutional nationalism and xenophobia, this Constitution failed to accommodate the new international liberal standards regarding the protection of national minorities imposed by the system of the League of Nations after the WWI. The Romanian fathers of the Constitution not only refused to enshrine in the constitutional text the positive individual and collective rights recognized to the Romanian ethnic minorities by the Treaty of 19 December 1919, but built the 1923 Constitution as a constitutional cathedral of the Romanian ethnic majority where the ethnic minorities were tolerated as shadow citizens. On a short term, this illiberal ethos made quite easier the passage from the Romanian ethnocentric nationalism to the Romanian racial nationalism of the period 1938–1944. On a long term, the Constitution of 1923 represented a pattern of constitutional identity building strongly cherished by the fathers of the post-communist Constitution (1991). This is why the interwar Romanian illiberalism was widely preserved. On a general survey, neither the Constitution of 1923, nor the Constitution of 1991 succeeded to manage in a coherent liberal spirit the linkage between the national/ethnocultural identity and the constitutional identity in the multi-ethnic Romania.
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The Krashovani are the most numerous group of the Croatian minority in Romanian Banat. They differ from other local ethnic groups by their unique language and Roman Catholic faith. They live in two localities, respectively in the communes of Carașova and Lupac where they inhabit seven villages. Although they do not know much about the history of their group, they share a local dialect, Carașova Croatian, and a local identity which is related both to Croatia and Romania. Through language biographies of seven members of this minority, this paper gives an insight of the individual histories connected to language(s), illustrating their every-day use of language but also their relationship between identity and (other) languages, respectively between their Krashovan identity and other identities - Croatian, but also Romanian. The relationship of identity and language codes is visible in the communication process - in the family and with other members of the community they use Caraşova Croatian, while in other, more formal situations, they use Romanian or even standard Croatian. These seven language biographies also show features of code-mixing and code-switching and the influence of the Romanian language, as well as speech accommodation, some of them modifying their language choice according to the desired group.
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This article examines the memory of the communist era, regarding the economic strategies developed in a Roma community from Banat region. Oral testimonies reveal the evolution of a marginal collectivity, from working as day laborers to the position of employees in Lugoj town factories. In the same time, the Roma from Măguri will gradual move from the village outskirts to more visible areas (next to Romanians), a status transformation that reflects improvement of their status. The main explanations lie in the accumulation of capital brought by employment in the city, but, more importantly, in the communist state’s policy of integrating a problematic minority.
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Immediately after the coup d’état of August 23, 1944, the Romanian citizens of German origin lost the privileged status which they had enjoyed during the time of the Antonescu regime. After this date, they became the most oppressed ethnic group in the country. Only two days after the end of the war against the Soviet Union, on August 25, 1944, the General Inspectorate of the Gendarmerie asked the regional inspectorates, through the phone order no. 43.599, that, at the moment of its reception, they should arrest all the leaders of the German Ethnic Group from Romania, and all those who were organizing the resistance of the Saxon and Swabian population of Transylvania against the Romanian state.
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According to Bauman, a stranger is neither an enemy nor a friend. The stranger is marginalized as a third category, the stranger is unwanted; perceived as a threat to the social order. This study presents a reading of the alienation of the foreigner in Henning Mankell’s novel, Ölümün Karanlık Yüzü, about the presentation of immigrants as the foreign other. The novel, which was written in a period when Sweden received intense immigration and on the other hand, increased xenophobia, presents a fiction about the construction of the foreign category. The stranger, who is separated from society in the context of us and the other, is evaluated through the perspective of immigrants in the novel. For this reason, the foreigner who is marginalized in the novel chosen within the scope of the study is evaluated within the framework of Bauman’s views on the phenomenon of foreigner.
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After the turnabout of August 23, 1944 the ensemble of the measures initiated by Romania’s new leadership to bring back a democratic regime to the nation also dealt with ethnic minorities. Despite these measures, the Romanian law enforcement bodies saw among many members of ethnic groups in Romania an increasingly clear tendency to disregard the authority of the state. Hungarian, Ukrainian, and Serbian chauvinists began to cooperate with their fellows in the neighboring countries, who had entered Romania by fraud in order to prepare the split of the territories where members of those minorities lived from Romania’s body, although in those areas the Romanians accounted for the majority, often the greatest majority of the population. The Lippovans of the Danube Delta had a similar attitude, along with the communist Jews in several cities of Moldavia, who correlated their plans with the Romanian supporters of that ideology, to incorporate Dobrudja and Moldavia into the Soviet Union.
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This study is a historical and historiographical issue of electoral support for two Romanian extrem nationalistic political organisations. The Legion of the Archangel Michael, and the semi-fascist League of National Christian Defense (LANC), the right-wing organisations are presented in evolution between 1919 and 1938, with the crises who offered a national popularity of this “minority nationalities groups”.
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Because racism runs so deep in so many cultures, it has been a touchy subject for researchers to probe. The United States is only one of several nations that faces ongoing racism issues, especially inside its own political system. Donald Trump is often named as a political person who is racist because of the way he has spoken about minorities. This study makes an effort to shed light on the racism displayed by Trump's tweets, posted on Twitter between 2015 and 2019. The purpose of this study is to answer the following two research questions: 1) what linguistic tone does Trump use? And 2) what specific form of racism does Trump display in his tweets directed towards various minority groups? This paper uses Van Dijk's ideological square to uncover the enactment of racism in a discourse and Fairclough's three-dimensional approach to CDA to shed light on the political views that motivate Trump's tweets. The research indicates that Trump's racism fits the profile of "new racism," a classification that views ethnic, religious, and cultural differences as defining lines between the in-group ('Us') and the out-group ('Them'). His new racism can be related to Van Dijk's ideological construction of Positive "Us" and Negative "Them" by building three important aspects: 1) cultural distinctions between "Us" and "Them," 2) "Them" as a threat to U.S. security, and 3) "Them" as a threat to the U.S. economy. Trump's racist rhetoric is seen as a threat to the principles established by the United States Constitution. The immigration policies he has enacted, which are based on his racist ideology, have been shown to be extremely adverse to members of minority groups, making it impossible for them to achieve the kind of better life for which they have hoped. Overall, this research study will examine how Trump uses racism in his language to construct a positive self-presentation and a negative other-presentation.
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Documents informing about the Romanian population’s state of mind in the late 1938, placing emphasis on the attitudes of the political parties’ members, the populace (for each social category), and the minorities in September-December, 1938.
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