Recenzija: The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End
The review of: Robert Gerwarth, The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End. New York: Farrar, Straus in Giroux, 2016, 446 strani, ilustr.
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The review of: Robert Gerwarth, The Vanquished: Why the First World War Failed to End. New York: Farrar, Straus in Giroux, 2016, 446 strani, ilustr.
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On Slovenian territory during the Second World War were active different units of foreigners, which fought on the side of the German occupying force; among them were also two different units of Spanish volunteers. First unit, a half-battalion, was garrisoned in Lower Styria, specifically in Zasavje area, where it provided security for coal mines and railway. Second unit, of company strength, was integral part of brigade, then division of so called Karst hunters, based in Slovene Littoral, which was actively participating in counterinsurgency against Italian and Slovene partisans. Using critical analysis and interpretation of wartime sources and post-war literature article is presenting activity of Spanish volunteers in German service in Slovenia. Because of the size of both units Spaniards didn't significantly impact the progress of the Second World War in Slovenia, but are still part of Slovenian military and war history.
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The article builts up the link between the Council of Peace from Charroux in 989 and the customary law that applied in situ in the 12th and 13th centuries. Moreover, it intents to furnish the proof of an organic increase of law at that time. Public and ecclesiastical law were living together, side by side, without any separation in the medieval legal world, above all in a « France without government » (P. Geary).
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Der Krieg gegen Kroatien und Bosnien und Herzegowina hat bis 250 000 Menschenleben gekostet. In Kroatien sind 524 katolische Kirchen, 31 Schulen, viele Kindergarten und Altenheime Zerstort.
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Studentska svijest o značaju njihovog glasa u burnoj povijesti i mladenačka buntovnost rasplamsala se i izašla je na vidjelo u Engleskoj, Americi i Njemačkoj. Ipak najradikalnije se izrazila u Francuskoj gdje su studenti pokrenuli demonstracije koje su za dva tjedna prerasle i podigle četvrtinu francuskog stanovništva u prosvjed protiv vlasti. U ožujku 1968. godine na pariškom sveučilištu Nanterre okupili su se ugledni francuski umjetnici lijeve političke orijentacije podržani grupom studenata kako bi raspravljali o klasnoj diskriminaciji u Francuskoj.
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Based on documents from Russian and Serbian archives, postwar press and literature, this article analyses the involvement of the Soviet military command in memorial construction – building monuments, memorials and cemeteries for the Soviet soldiers who fell in Serbia; and its involvement in the postwar funerary rituals from the autumn of 1944 through the end of 1945. It showcases the importance of the Soviet factor in commemorative practice soon after the end of the military operations.
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Serbia’s latest “fateful eight” – from the 1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, to the student protests of 1968 – is by far the declaration of independence of its former southernmost province, Kosovo, in 2008. Having in mind that the Kosovo myth – much debated in scholarly circles – is a key instance in understanding Serbia’s nationalism ever since its inception in the nineteenth century, a strong discourse negating Kosovo’s independence has been promulgated by the media. Through the lens of media content analysis, the author tackles the Kosovo-related rhetoric within the media in Serbia’s recent history, from the declaration of Kosovo’s independence, to 2018.
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The conflict between Russia and Ukraine that started in March 2014 led Western countries and Russia to impose economic sanctions on each other, including the euro zone members. The paper investigates the impact of the sanctions on the real side of the economies of Russia and the euro area. The effects of sanctions are analyzed with a structural vector autoregression. To pin down the effect we are interested in, we include an index that measures the intensity of the sanctions in the model. The sanction shock is identified and separated from the oil price shock by narrative sign restrictions. We find weak evidence that Russian and euro area GDPs declined as a result of the sanctions. The effects of the sanctions are also small for the real effective exchange rate.
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The second half of the eighteenth century and the American War for Independence represent an extremely important period, not only because of the historical context and the birth of a new nation, but because of its relevance to the literary history of America. This period records a huge literary output of patriot authors devoted to the struggle for independence, the celebration of the American nation, glorification of prominent individuals in the revolutionary struggle, but also anti-revolutionary inspired works that called for loyalty to the UK. American drama writers took an active part in the American revolutionary struggle, and this paper will analyze the text and context of the war from the patriot's perspective through the works of one of the first female dramatists in America, Mercy Otis Warren.
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This article’s aim is to represent the impact of the Russian-Georgian war from the Russian, Georgian, and Turkish point of views. The main focus of the study is to understand how Turkey’s state structure represented itself during the August war in 2008 and how it affected the world public opinion. Although the war excessively damaged the Turkish foreign policy, Turkish government supported Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial unity. Thus, assuming the role of a mediator between Turkey’s two major allies, the West and Russia, Turkey has managed to become one of the important regional players in this war.
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The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.
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Iran has identified itself with Shia Islam after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Withinthis framework, Tehran takes steps in order to protect Shi’i communities’ interests and make them come into power in their countries if possible. Although Iran’spolicy has been based on supporting Shi’i militia forces, Tehran keeps increasing its influence on countries of concern not only by using hard power but also using soft power effectively. The argument of this article is that by the use of soft power invarious countries Iran endeavors to gain sympathy from Shi’i communities and to form an Iranian-sided public reaction, and it involves in public diplomacy activities.
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This essay examines activity by the Commander-in-Chief of the Leningrad Front, Marshal Voroshilov, during the Battle of Leningrad, up to his dismissal in mid-September 1941. Based on daily military reports to Stalin, the article reveals the main challenges faced by the Soviet Northwestern Command, and then by the Military Council for the Defense of Leningrad. These challenges were fourfold: the German forces had significant superiority over their Soviet counterparts in organization and management; they enjoyed a large advantage in aviation, artillery, and machine guns; Voroshilov was taken by full surprise by the rapid collapse of the defense of the Karelian peninsula; and the rapid advance by Finnish troops towards Leningrad threatened the encirclement and loss of the city. Contrary to widespread belief that Voroshilov was replaced by Army General Zhukov for incompetence that was becoming more evident each day, the article proves the opposite. From mid-July on, Voroshilov and Leningrad Front’s Command met the bulk of these challenges more or less effectively, taking into account limited resources. Because the High Command was not able to provide Leningrad with substantial material help, the key strategy by Voroshilov and the Military Council as the whole was to mobilize domestic resources, both human and material. Organizing many thousands of militia troops and fortification near Luga, and strengthening discipline in the army, delayed the German approach to the city. However, he overestimated the Finnish threat and substantially weakened his 42nd Army in the South.
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This article examines the international conference “The Civil War and Russian Regions: contemporary perceptions, new approaches and assessments held by the Institute of History and State Administration of Bashkir State University in Ufa, November 29–30, 2018. Co-organizers of the conference were the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences; St. Petersburg State University; the historical organization “Russia is my history” (Ufa), the Ufa Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and the Ufa State Petroleum Technological University. Conference sponsors were the Russian Foundation for Basic Research and Humanitarian Projects, which provided financial support for the conference. The conference was attended by Russian well-known scholars from Moscow and St. Petersburg, regions of the Russian Federation, Bashkortostan, and CIS countries who study the Russian Civil War. Conference participators considered complex and controversial issues, especially regarding events of the “frontline-based phase” of the Civil War in Russian regions in terms of political, economic, social, and ideological projections. The Youth Science Forum was also held within the framework of the conference. All participants came to the collective conclusion that in the context of globalization, it is necessary to form an objective understanding of the technology of occurrence and of provoking “civil wars,” and from there developing expert recommendations for the prevention of such conflicts.
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The article represents reflections on A. A. Ivanov's “A Case of Honor”: Deputies of the State Duma and Duel Scandals (1906–1917)"(“Delo chesti”: deputaty Gosudarstvennoi dumy i duel’nye skandaly (1906– 1917)). The general structure of Ivanov's monograph may lead one to the conclusion that duel as scandals were rare episodes in the first Russian State Dumas, but a closer look at contents of the book reveals that such scandals were numerous, resonant, and quite characteristic of the time. Comparing Russian duels with those of European parliamentarians, the former had little in common with classical duels. The press was also involved in these scandals, giving wide publicity to dueling deputies and thus encouraging them to continue the practice. This suggests that duel scandals were a form of publicity stunts that often turned into the main goal of dueling deputies, to the detriment of state and party interests. As is noted in Ivanov's monograph, duels were illegal and condemned by the Orthodox Church. By taking part in duels, Russian parliamentarians publicly showed disrespect for law and church. According to the monograph, the police did little to prevent such conflicts, and this blasé attitude undermined the authority of law enforcement in public consciousness. Thus, all the parties involved in Duma duel scandals contributed to the development of legal nihilism, which became one of the foundations of the Revolution of 1917.
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Reconciliation as a process that demands constant reflection on various dichotomies such as public / private, peace / war, we / they, requires a broader perspective beyond the so-called great signifier, in our context ethnically centered. Given the exposure of women to structural forms of violence both in war and in the post-war period as well as in the periods beyond this dyad, gender and feminist discourses broaden horizons and provide demystification of various concepts, phenomena and processes. Activists’ experiences and feminist articulations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region point to the complexity of these processes, claiming for universality in differentiated way.
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On the basis of the available archive sources of Yugoslav and foreign origins, the following contribution focuses on the lesser–known aspect of the Yugoslav-Albanian relations after their deterioration. The article roughly outlines the plans, operations, concerns and expectations of five states which tried to alter the situation in Albania to their own advantage more or less successfully. Naturally, despite their common goal these states often had conflicting interests.
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The author presents the attitude of the Soviet Union and Stalin to the 1938 Czechoslovak-German crisis. He analyses the existing works of historians and writers of memoirs about the standpoints of Moscow/Stalin with regard to the Czechoslovak crisis of 1938 and also the Polish crisis of 1939. The author establishes that the Soviet Union did not intend to provide the Prague government with any military aid for its struggle against the Nazi Germany. The evidence (archive materials) shows that in 1938 and 1939 the Kremlin hoped that the French-British alliance would get involved in the conflict with the Third Reich, while the Soviet Union preserved the freedom of action for itself.
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The review of: Conflict and memory: bridging past and future in (South East) Europe Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft Mbh & Co, 2010. 326 strani. : ilustr. (Southeast European integration perspectives ; 3)
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Several conflicts were experienced between the Ottomans and Iran throughout history. In these conflicts, the issue of borders has always been a significant problem in the agenda. After the early 19th century, The Treaty of Erzurum was signed in 1847 with the mediation of the United Kingdom and Russia to eliminate the tensions between the two countries. The precise solution of the borders of the two states, which are included in the final text of the above-mentioned treaty, was left to the joint commission that would meet at a later date. Accordingly, it was decided to convene the commission in Baghdad in 1849 with the participation of the delegates of four states (Ottoman Empire, Iran, U.K. and Russia). The Ottoman delegation in this conference, presided by Dervish Pasha, arrived at Kotur, located in the east of Van province, before they arrived at Baghdad. Dervish Pasha determined the borders with the assumption that it was Ottoman land under Iranian occupation at that time. Thus, from 1849 onwards, a serious controversy started between the Ottomans and Iran about the land of Kotur. The mediating states, the U.K. and Russia, were also involved in this debate. In this process, the Ottoman State did not cede Kotur to Iran despite all pressures.
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