„Többféle regionális demográfiai modellben kell gondolkodnunk.”
Interjú Faragó Tamással 70. születésnapja alkalmából
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Interjú Faragó Tamással 70. születésnapja alkalmából
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1956. október 23-án délután a lengyelországi eseményekkel kapcsolatban elôzô este meghirdetett budapesti szimpátiatüntetés részben a Petôfi-szobortól, részben a Mûegyetemtôl érkezô több tízezer résztvevôje a budai Bem téren, a Bem-szobornál egyesült. Bem személyében a tömeg a lengyel és a magyar oroszellenes küzdelem egyik vezetôjét ünnepelte. Istók János szobrász Bemje 1934 óta áll a téren, hôsies pózban, jobbja felkötve, baljával a távolba mutat. A talapzaton olvasható felirat (Piski / A hidat visszafoglalom / vagy elesem; Elôre magyar / Ha nincs híd, nincs haza) a híres csatára utal. Miközben a tábornok a magyar szabadságharc panteonjában foglalt és foglal helyet, nevét pedig szinte minden magyar ismerte és ismeri, aligha lehetett sok tüntetô, és aligha akad a szoborhoz minden március 15-én ma is elvitt iskolások között, aki tudná, ami szakmai körökben természetesen ismert tény, hogy a szabadságharc legendás parancsnoka 1850-ben Murad pasaként, körülmetélt muzulmánként és az Oszmán Birodalom tisztjeként hunyt el.
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Social sciences in Hungary often rely on oral history as a source for research. Our paper gives a summary of how the bigger, sometimes forgotten collections conducted and used the interviews. Outlining the history of several institutions – the Memory Collecting Group (VEGY) of the one-time Party History Institute, a department of the National Széchényi Library (OSZK), the Repository of Historical Interviews (TIT), the Oral History Archive (OHA) of the Institute for the History of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution and the Centropa Foundation – it describes the practice of oral source recording and usage in Hungary in the Socialist era and after the collapse of Communism. The analysis highlights that oral history was hold in low esteem in the academic world, that this view changed only slowly, and dis-cusses the emergence of a new way of thinking with Centropa. Beside describing the activ-ity in the institutions founded in the Socialist period or after the Transition, it touches on the circumstances of their foundation, the particular aims of collecting oral sources as well as the publications of these institutions. The founders of the collections have defined for the long run how the collected material can be accessed and made use of. According to the author, in the case of VEGY and TIT only limited access is granted, while the mission of OHA and, especially, Centropa is to make the interviews available to as many interested parties as possible.
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This paper adds source critical comments to those of Viktor Karády’s writings in which the author defines the proportions of bigger ethnical aggregates in Hungarian middle schools between 1883 and 1915 by relying on data drawn from statistics on language competence. This study first reveals the practice of language competence data collection and data provision concerning middle schools in dualist times, then presents the broader circle of language competence data collection and analyses the data base down to the level of concrete data-providing schools and by this, finally arrives at the conclusion that Karády’s conclusions do not bear closer examination. The expression „thoroughbred” (törzsökös) Hungarian that the author uses is unclear. If we vaguely identify the term as „Hungarians of not assimilant origins” then this group cannot be identical with students speaking only Hungarian. And, in close connection with this, those students with Hungarian mother tongue who have knowledge of other languages spoken in Hungary cannot be on the whole identified with the assimilated allogenes. Having arrived at this conclusion, the statement that in dualist times Hungarians were strongly underrepresented in middle schools – that provided new generations of the intelligentsia – cannot be stated as evidence.
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The article is devoted to the depiction of medieval knights in selected historical novels by Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, including those in the cycle Dzieje Polski (The History of Poland). The author of the article focuses on how the author of Stara baśń (An Ancient Tale)showed the elements of the caste’s ethos, rituals such as knighting, routines, competitions and symbols (sword). He concentrates on Królewscy synowie (The King’s Sons) (times andbattles of Bolesław Wrymouth and Zbigniew), where knighthood together with its ritualsand customs were particularly extensively described. Kraszewski’s novel is also interpretedthrough the prism of chansons de geste, and particularly The Song of Roland; its main protagonists being seen as counterparts of Roland (Wrymouth) and Ganelon (Zbigniew). The author also refers to the perception of a warrior as a „warrior of Christ”, studying Kraszewski’s characters of crusaders or Teutonic knights, and pondering over the place of Christian faith in the life of men at arms. He also demonstrates the gradual decline of the caste described by Bolesławita with regard to the progressing degeneration of values, the passing of heroes, development of military technology and changes in human mentality. In conclusion, the author indicates the virtues of knighthood that Kraszewski valued in particular and the aimhe pursued when emphasizing them in historical fiction.
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A kereszténység felvétele Izlandon
Christianity was made law in Iceland through arbitration at the national assembly, the alþingi, in the summer of 999 (or more traditionally 1000). By so doing, the country not only managed to avert civil strife, but stimulated a cultural flowering that produced the saga literature and preserved a considerable part of Norse mythology. For the better understanding of this extraordinary chapter in the Christianization of Europe, the paper discusses the events leading up to the assembly’s decision, the unique society and the pre-Christian and Christian religious notions at the time, and compares the missionary endeavours in Iceland with those carried out in continental Scandinavian countries. It highlights some of the causes and prerequisites of the kristnitaka (“the taking of Christianity”), and gives a detailed account of the politico-religious actions of late tenthcentury Iceland.
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Цель статьи: исследовать историософские мотивы в сборнике К. Мордатенька „Украингелие” и сделать анализ ключевых проблем, разработанных в поэтической книге. Методы исследования. Специфика объекта исследования, цель работы обусловили использование определенных методов, в частности, рассмотрение понятия историософия в культурологическом и историческом контексте осуществлялся с привлечением компаративистского метода. Методы историко-литературного, пообразного, сравнительного анализа используются при исследовании историософии поэтических текстов К. Мордатенко. Научная новизна проявляется в том, что до сих пор практически нет научных статей о творчестве К. Мордатенко. Выводы. В статье рассмотрен сборник стихов „Украингелие” К. Мордатенко сквозь призму апробированного автором философского понимания сложных исто- рических фактов и реалий нашей страны и мира в целом.
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The author introduces his article with a general description of the political groupings that openly supported interventionist interests after the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. He stresses that the groups were few in number, though after a while, in the autumn and winter of 1968, they were relatively influential. Not only did they provide the occupying forces with various information, but also, thanks to their links to Soviet circles they could act as intermediaries applying pressure on the gradually growing trend of political ‘realism’ embodied by Gustav Husak. He provides a concise description of the most vocal of these groups (the Prague radical left, represented by Josef Jodas and Eduard Famira, the Ostrava Stalinists and the Olomouc orthodox Communists, comprising mainly teachers at Olomouc University). He familiarizes us with their goals, approaches, and the biggest events (including the October meeting in Čechie, Libeň, and the meeting of the People’s Militias at Homole, Prague, and the November meeting of the Union of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship, at the Lucerna, Prague). The author then describes the activity of the radical left in Hradec Kralove and the surrounding region, which had hitherto not been discussed in the scholarly literature. This activity entailed three or four meetings with soldiers of the armies of occupation, which culminated in the kind of event organized by a commission for work with pre-war Party members and Party members of merit at the District Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Hradec Kralove on 17 October 1968. Using archive records, the author describes the meeting, its radical slogans and proclamations, and the subsequent negative response of Communist and other organizations and the buck-passing approach to the matter, which predominated in the Hradec Kralove District Committee of the Party. The article ends with an outline of the beginning of ‘Normalization’ in the district and regional organizations of the Party in Hradec Kralove and the lives of the main actors in the immediate aftermath of this story.
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The new Hungary, as a part of the new Europe established after the first world war, was being an unsatisfied state, which tended to hate its former citizens of non-Hungarian descent who were being citizens of newly created and enlarged states, neighbors of Hungary. This hatred manifested itself in various forms, including the arrest of the „faithless” former citizens who were passing across the country in their way to Wien or other destinations in Central or Western Europe. Some of those unlucky people were detained for many months or years, finally being subjects of prisoners’ exchanges. A name within the first list of exchanged detainees attracted our interest, Camil Manuilă, because another Manuilă – Sabin – was a prominent scientist (demographer and statistician) in the interwar Romania. We have wondered if the two were relatives and what was the significance of that family name within the Greater Romania. The answers helped us to realize why Camil Manuilă was the first political prisoner exchanged between Romania and Hungary in 1921.
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Based on archival evidences and historiography, considered is the patrician lineage Zupan (Župan) of Bar, during the fifteenth and sixteenth century. Members of the lineage are followed through a network of social relations, interest groups, cognatic and agnatic kinship, through architectural heritage, transfer of tradition, the prerogatives of class cohesion and spiritual community, patrimony conservation strategies and a renewal of memories. The source material contains extremely valuable toponomastic and onomastic information, as well as the details according to which may be reconstructed the lifestyle of that time. Available data indicatethat the lineage, previously enriched by trade, at the beginning of the sixteenth century played a significant role in partition of the functions in town’s administration. In addition, its representatives concentrated judicial and military powers, proving, nothing less, spiritual vocations. However, while in the second half of the sixteenth century it was one of the richest lineages, with a large land holdings in the district of Bar, the number of its members is precipitously reduced, and with that its social impact. Therefore, the last Zupan’s offsprings, relying on fideicommissum as a guarantee of maintaining the social status and material stability, were turning to memories and sacred heritage, in order to preserve the class mentality and awareness of aristocratic continuity.
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After the Great War, the Romanian students sent to the French universities interacted with almost novel situations through which the society of a winning state passed, amid the social tensions fueled by the political current. The case of Andrei Oțetea is an exception for almost seven years in France, from 1919 to 1926, as a Transylvanian Association scholar. At the same time, he was among students that formed the first wave sent to study in Paris. The relations cultivated by Andrei Oțetea with his professors during the years of study were dominated by the determination specific to an intellectual young eager to make serious investigations into the past. On the one hand, Henri Hauvette played the role of official coordinator, directly involved in his own student project to conduct out research on Francesco Guicciardini’s life and his age. Instead, Henri Hauser marked Oțetea’s conception for a longer term, developing his interest in the new expanding historiographical currents.
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The study refers to the meteoric presence in medieval documents from Transylvania (1355) of an Armenian bishop named Martin of Tălmaciu, vicar of the archbishop of Esztergom. We think it is an interesting case for the implementation of the subordination's policy of the Armenian Rite by the figure of a vicar bishop or a diocesan vicar to the authority of the archbishop that oversees the ecclesiastical discipline in the territory of the provostship of Sibiu. In this business is involved also the cistercian abbey of Cârţa, that may have been implicated in the admission of the Armenians of Tălmaciu under the obedience of the Roman Church.
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The unification process for the workers' movements was the final step for the communists in their effort to gain total control of the political power. The tactics of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) were labeled "the salami tactics" because the party progressively eliminated all their enemies and used conjectural allies - such as the social democrats (PSD) - in order to reach their aim. This article describes the process whereby the organization of the PCR in alliance with the PSD obtained political power in the period 1945-1948 in the Ialomiþa county. The author focuses his analysis on two types of actions: the violent overtake of the local power (including mayors, police officers, governmental representatives, etc.) and the unification of the PCR and PSD in order to achieve a Single Workers' Party, in which the communists prevailed. As a result of the unification process, according to the official records, almost 7% of the population in this county was a member of the Single Workers' Party in February 1948. The Ialomiþa County is a very interesting, yet paradigmatic case, because in that period the region was a predominantly agricultural, with a small working class (2%), and the communists could not seize power by legal means. The study mainly relies upon local archival documents and upon the contemporary local media reports, which are carefully examined to discern between actual relevant data and their propagandistic content.
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The League of Militant Atheists (previously - Union of the Godless; Society of Friends of the Newspaper "The God- less") was an atheistic and antireligious organization of workers and intelligentsia that developed in USSR under the influence of the ideological and cultural views and policies of the Communist Party in 1925-1947. It consisted of Party members, members of the Komsomol youth movement, workers and army veterans.The proposed study is dedicated to the research of the origins, formation and activities of the League of Militant Atheists in the USSR and Moldavian ASSR.
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Since two years the SOG attempts to clear its own historic legacies, a process strongly linked to the rise and fall of the Third Reich. Its former president, Rudolf Vogel, was redeployed to Albania for the last two years of World War II. In his memoirs he described a plenitude of circumstances and facts, which were – until now – known only through military and diplomatic files in the archives of Germany, Albania, Serbia and Italy. The article explains the occupation of Albania by German troops in September 1943 and how these dealt with the local circumstances and the Albanian elite. One of the most important pillars of the German occupation system was the employment of the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS “Skanderbeg”. In early 1944, Himmler obtained permission from Hitler to employ such an “Albanian Muslim Waffen-SS division”. This recruitment can be seen as a symptom of the precarious military situation and the lack of human resources on the German fronts. However, the effort to create a powerful fighting force in Albania failed. The German leaders tried to exploit local interethnic hostilities, but did not account for the Albanian social structures. Local clan chiefs and the common population as well did not act in the expected manner. Mass desertions proliferated as the Nazi withdrawal became increasingly obvious. Vogel sheds light on the post-Nazi period: There was a second Albanian division equipped with weapons of the former Albanian Muslim Waffen-SS unit. The local (civil) war still was not coming to an end.
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Regarded by the contemporaries as descendent of an old noble family of Moldavian boyars, Vasile Bainschi, like many other warriors of his time, managed to combine the battlefield experience with the private life during peace time. The present study represents a brief prosopographic endeavour in which, with the help of historical sources that survived the centuries, we tried to reveal the life and activity of serdar Vasile Bainschi – genealogical aspects decisive for his career, his preoccupations and military and political evolution, as well as his continuous quest to enrich his estate wealth by different means.
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