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This article aims to provide an update on the media treatment of the speeches of Mohamed VI, King of Morocco, recently addressed to the people (August 20, 2022) when commemorating the historic event called “The Revolution of the King and the People”. By taking into account the Discourse Analysis (theorized by the French School), we will attempt to understand the argumentative part in the linguistic activity produced by the public media discourse, on the national scene, in reaction to the monarch’s discourse at the aforementioned occasion. It is thus an analysis of the media discourse in a political speech. It is therefore incumbent on us to detect, with the aim of emphasizing the metadiscourse, the argumentative strategies that journalists and analysts deploy, in particular on television because of their high visibility, not only in order to relay64“the political event” but also to try to overcome any communication challenge. If necessary, the challenge is to reach consensus concerning the first national cause: the territorial integrity of the kingdom.
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The investiture speech of His Excellency Mr. (H.E.M) Alassane Bala Sakandé (P.A.N) delivered on September 8, 2017 before the National Assembly of Burkina and broadcast live on Burkina National Radio and Television is not only his very first official speech but also a political discourse with multiple challenges, given the context of its production. Behind this speech that looks like a funeral oration, there lies a whole strategy of political communication based sometimes on the efficient exploitation of different forms of self-representation in the speech, sometimes on a deliberate desire to influence its audience by surfing on its emotions. If the form of the evoked content draws the attention, it is not less about the form of expression which rests on the rhetoric of the seduction and draws itself from the source of the enthymeme and logical reasoning. This paper questions in particular the notion of political ethos linked to that of pathos to examine the stakes of this discourse as logos.
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The present study is devoted to the question of the argumentative force of emblematic songs by treating an Algerian sports song entitled “شكون سبابنا؟ which uses the event "harraga" as a vector of its engagement value, and the actualization of the speech of the other (adversary) in order to stage a fictitious discursive confrontation in a polemical mode which translates an aim of denunciation and a representational emotion (topic of pain). To identify the different argumentative strategies implemented by the speaker-interpreter, to express and make their vision understood, the proposed analysis will focus on the mode of exercise of influence, which includes the organization of the referential content responsible for a symbolic thickness in close relation with the properties of the enunciation context, the semiotization of emotions and the enunciative management procedures.
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In contrast to his predecessor, President Dmitry Medvedev pushed Russia into a wave of socio-economic changes. His only term in the years 2008-2012 was dominated by the concept of modernization, which included democratization, market-oriented reforms, anti-corruption campaigns, and the support of civil society. Nevertheless, the results of the modernization program were modest. The present paper aims to present the cir-cumstances of the introduction of modernization, its content, criticism, and the reasons for its decay. The author argues that modernization was a personal initiative of D. Medvedev and stemmed from his preoccupations with new technologies and contemporary models of governance. At the end of D. Medvedev’s term, the concept of modernization disappeared from Russia’s public space and was replaced by a new rhetoric of “strong statehood” declared by Vladimir Putin.
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The paper analyzes the size and structure of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The population censuses of 1921 and 1931 are the main source for the research. The statistical and census materials are compared to a number of studies from the fields of historiography, ethnography and anthropogeography. A number of papers raising doubts about how objective the census results are in regard to the number of Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia are also critically addressed.
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The presented text focuses on the stereotype of Europe in the discourse of the radical Orthodox Church in Russia. A difference between a generally accepted concept and a discursively conditioned stereotype, as understood by W. Lippmann, represents an important methodological aspect. The empirical material was selected from over 70 publications from https://3rim.info/, a religious news aggregator. Its analysis allowed the author to reach the following conclusions: in this discourse, a concept of EUROPE undergoes a significant axio-logical reinterpretation and expansion exceeding the concept profiling, and creating a stereotype characteristic of the studied discourse.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and to determine the levels of the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation to the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative and to develop recommendations for its improvement in terms of the geopolitical influences of Russia. To achieve its goals in the Eastern European region, the Russian Federation uses a multidimensional hybrid aggression, namely a polyhybrid aggression, when non-military crises are provoked and maintained in order to weaken the adversary, as a preparatory stage for a direct military invasion. In the case of the Eastern Partnership initiative, it is introduced by attempts to prove its inexpediency and ineffectiveness. The study shows that the Russian polyhybrid aggression has been extended not only to the countries of the Eastern Partnership, but also to the EU – aimed at weakening its transformative power in Eastern Europe, and to the Russian society – aimed at shaping negative stereotypes about the EU and legitimizing the actions of the Russian government. Achieving the Eastern Partnership goals depends on Russia’s democratization and its compliance with international law. The following methods were used to solve the research problem: descriptive and historical method, sociological data analysis, forecasting method and structural-functional method.
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The article presents the military relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in the years 1921-1939, from the end of the war between Poland and the Bolshevik Russia until the beginning of World War II. Its content has been divided into four subchapters, in the first of which the author analyzes the state of research on the topic in question and the state of preservation of sources in Polish and foreign archives. In the following subsections, the author presents the military relations between Poland and the USSR in three periods: in the years 1921-1926, 1926-1935 and 1935-1939. The last subsection is key to the undertaken research problem. It contains findings on the changes in the mutual military relations to the disadvantage of Poland, in connection with the rapid expansion and modernization of the Red Army and the difficulties of the Polish military intelligence in their assessment and difficulties in recognizing the reconstructed cooperation between the USSR and Germany.
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As toponymic means of inscribing urban space, street names have been addressed mainly by human geographers, who have articulated the field of critical place-name studies. In this paper, I continue the endeavor started in the previous issue published in Social Change Review of reading street names through sociological lenses. Whereas in the first part of this two-part contribution the analysis was made from functionalist and conflictualist perspectives, this second and final part employs social constructionism and the utilitarian theoretical tradition in making sociological sense of street nomenclatures. First, conceiving of street names as forming discursively constructed linguistic landscapes, the paper shows how urban namescapes – the “city-text” – are written, erased, and rewritten to reflect the shifting political powers. Second, the paper examines the neoliberal processes of place branding and toponymic commodification by which street names are turned into sought-after urban commodities with transactional value on the real estate market. The paper concludes by inviting sociologists to join the conversation on street names, which should become an important topic of sociological reflection.
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The objective of the present study was to explore what demographic and socioeconomic factors were associated with adolescent (younger than 20 years) and adult mothers living in Romania. In total, 274 adolescent and adult mothers were recruited from two maternity wards Romanian maternity wards. The mean age of the sample was 24.64 years (SD = 6.907, range: 13–44 years). Independent samples t-tests, Pearson’s chi square, Cramer’s V, and risk ratios were used to assess differences in continuous and categorical demographics variables between adolescent and adult mothers. This study has shown that maternity among adolescent mothers younger than 20 years has broad sociodemographic determinations, and, consequently, the socio-economic implications could be long-term as well as costly.
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The crisis generated by the COVID-19 pandemic implied specific intervention measures in all areas worldwide. Social workers from the social care system and health services, along with other specialists, have played an extremely important role in providing support to vulnerable groups, in order to manage social and psychological issues that have emerged in this period. This paper presents the results of a study involving 94 social workers from Romania. The aim of the research was to identify the main changes in the activity of social workers from public and private social services during pandemic, a period characterized by restrictive measures in order to limit the transmission of the virus. The paper focuses on vulnerabilities and challenges imposed by these changes in order to continue to provide social services for those in need. Recommendations on social policies are outlined based on the lessons learned in this period. The results show that communication and the maintenance of the relationship with beneficiaries are the parts where most changes occurred. The limitation of direct contacts has led to a decrease in field activity, online work, increased workload, or changes in working schedule, and also sometimes (mainly in public institutions) increased bureaucracy. Based on the results of the study, some recommendations for policy makers are identified, taking advantage of the lessons from this period of crisis: the need for the authorities to prioritize the allocated resources and to impose stricter rules to follow, provide funding for specific resources, intensifying the collaboration between all social actors involved, developing and implementing unitary intervention models, greater interest and understanding from authorities and responsiveness to new intervention methods, maintaining the online activity where the situation allows it in order to reduce bureaucracy in public institutions.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the role of Confucius Institute in Shaping China's National Image in Botswana in the case of CI Students. The Confucius Institute at the University of Botswana (CIUB) is employed as a case study which is identified as the most active Chinese soft power instrument in Botswana. The paper uses a qualitative research method to help better understand the benefits and limitations of CIUB in creating China’s positive image in Botswana. Primary data is obtained from questionnaires whilst secondary data is derived from journal papers, thesis, and books. The study is framed by soft power theory to assist in learning how China utilises its soft power to improve its image in Botswana. The analysis revealed that CIUB has been fruitful in promoting Chinese language and culture in Botswana impacting positively on China’s national image. The findings of the study show that CIUB has the potential to clear some negative perceptions about China in Botswana. However, the limitation as indicated by the study is that CIUB does not have wide coverage of the population of Botswana as it targets mostly students. It is suggested that CIUB as a single tool cannot fully address all the concerns affecting China’s image.
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The topic of the paper is the role of digital media in the process of socialization of children. Digital media are becoming an increasingly important agent of socialization, they are an indispensable part of everyday life and as such greatly influence our identity, thoughts, political beliefs, and image. Children are the most susceptible to media influence to which they are exposed. Available research conducted on this topic shows that children spend most of their free time on media content. The aim of the paper is to present some of the risks and benefits of using digital media based on a secondary analysis of the literature, but also to point out the importance of media literacy and educational competence of parents in the area of protecting children from the harmful consequences of using digital media. The risks of use are not only related to the time spent with digital media, but also to the quality of the content that children choose. The presented risks of using digital media relate to violent and inappropriate content, social comparison theory, and security threats. The benefits of using digital media are mainly included in learning processes. Media literacy and media pedagogy as interdisciplinary areas are important in the formation of a critical attitude towards media discourse at an early age. Their inclusion in educational systems will contribute to the development of democratic values in society and the fight against racial, religious, gender and other stereotypes. Parents’ educational competences and parental mediation are important factors in protecting children from the risks they face on digital platforms. Of the numerous types of parental mediation in controlling children’s access to digital media and the use of various applications and tools for those purposes, as an extremely effective method, it is recommended to talk about the dangers of using different media content and the joint use of digital media.
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Through the awareness of one's own strengths and abilities, a person is able to understand his or her uniqueness. Through a questionnaire devoted to the competencies of pre-primary education teachers, we surveyed by means of a qualitative method. A set of 217 respondents answered questions expressing the characterization of the teacher's personality, self-reflection. The aim was to find out which competences pre-primary teachers would change or improve, i.e. how they perceive themselves in their profession. First of all, the questionnaire asked which competences teachers consider to be essential, and then we paid attention to teachers' comprehensive view of their personality, which we divided into four competence categories, namely, disciplinary and pedagogical, social and communicative, diagnostic and intervention or emotional competences.
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The paper illustrates the pedagogical-philosophical ideas of the prominent 19th century educator Friedrich Fröbel and their fundamental contribution to primary science education. In a historical context, it points out the importance of his pedagogical work for contemporary pedagogy and highlights the fundamental concept of science education, which allows children of younger school age to get to know nature experientially. The eminent goal of the contribution is to interpret Fröbel's gnomic pedagogical ideas as a subsidy to the development of modern pedagogical thinking in the context of primary science education. It highlights the potential of Fröbel's pedagogical vision, which can also be used for contemporary primary science education.
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Bullying is a problem that already occurs in kindergartens. It is very important that preschool teachers are able to recognize its manifestations, intervene appropriately and also pay attention to its prevention. The article introduces the possibility of using a literary text as a prevention of bullying in kindergartens. It brings the results of the implementation of the educational programme. As a part of the investigation, the frequency of occurrence of manifestations of negative behavior in children of preschool age was monitored. After the implementation of the educational programme, there was a significant decrease in elements of negative behavior in the monitored children compared to the control group.
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Ever since the launch of the World Press Freedom Index almost 20 years ago, Finland has always been among the top five countries of that index.According to the annual Reuters Digital News reports, Finnish people also have the highest level of trust in the news media and one of the highest levels of press readership in the EU. Most of the media companies are doing quite well, while Google and Facebook have a much less dominant role in the advertising market than elsewhere in Europe. In this context, you might expect Finland to have a comprehensive and visionary media and communications policy to support democracy. However, our meta-study of Finnish media and communications policy based on two recent reports to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, other earlier studies, along with official documents as well as statistical data suggests that is not the case. Our analysis shows that most decisions have been pragmatic ad-hoc solutions serving economic interests rather than any specific media and communication policy goals. A closer examination also proves that Finland does not fit into the Nordic Media Welfare State model either, despite a long, shared history and cultural ties.
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The process of fiscal decentralization, typical of contemporary societies, in addition to the fiscal effect, also has a political effect. Namely, because bearers of political power need to get closer to citizens, fiscal decentralization is often seen as part of the democratization process in a society. Within that process, property tax is gaining more and more importance. In that respect, Serbia is no exception. The aim of the paper is to determine whether property tax in Serbia has the characteristics of an instrument for achieving fiscal decentralization. Moreover, the authors will also determine how the property tax, as a significant source of revenues for local authorities, contributes to the development of democracy in Serbian society at the local level.
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The professional activity of security sector employees is often associated with overcoming various crisis situations, which requires adequate psychophysical preparedness. Crisis situations are a particular type of extreme situation, the main factors being danger and difficulty. They are mutually determined. Their integral functions are risk and effort. Adequate psychophysical preparedness is made up of interconnected mental and physical preparedness, meeting the high requirements of crisis situations for the activities of security sector employees.
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