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This research study is focused on detection of relationship between perfectionism and classroom climate in middle school aged children. To detect the level of perfectionism we used the Frost multidimensional perfectionism scale (F-MPS) and for assessing of classroom climate we used My Class Inventory (MCI). In research we also focused on gender differences among each variable. Our research sample consisted of 240 children who attend primary schools and their age was between 10 – 12 years. There were 160 girls and 80 boys, who took part in this research. The results of the research point out that there is no statistically significant relation between perfectionism and positive classroom climate. We also observed no gender differences in variable perfectionism.
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The issue of words combinations draws attention of linguists starting from the second half of the XX c. until the present day. This study is focused on the research of semantic mechanisms of unusually combined lexemes and unexpected collocations in English postmodern short-short stories. Reconsideration of the literary past and ironic view on traditional poetic canons are reflected in postmodern literary texts due to the principles of postmodern poetics. Being distinctive feature of postmodern literature in general, uncertainty creates multiplicity of meanings of entire literary text, as well as separate unexpected collocations, by means of unusually combined lexemes. The aim of the study is to elaborate the phenomenon of valence violation, created by unusually combined lexemes and unexpected collocations in English postmodern short-short stories. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to define the notion of valence and lexeme compatibility, to identify types of valence violation in lexemes combinations, and to provide their possible interpretation. Functioning in English postmodern short-short stories such language units widen boundaries of their usage and their combinatorial profile. Unusually combined lexemes focus the reader’s attention and provoke a cognitive mechanism of continuous searching for a hidden meaning of unexpected collocations and the general message of a literary text. In this research unusually combined lexemes are regarded as special markers of postmodern short-short story genre for which violation of text structure, violation of usual relations between lexemes in logic, semantic and syntactic aspects are quite common.
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Open Science becomes the basic concept in organizing and conducting the research and development process. The opening of the process of research and communication of science is supported and promoted both at the international level and at the national level in many countries through science policies and actions. At present, no Open Science policy is approved at the national level in the Republic of Moldova, but there are actions, undertaken by various organizations or within some projects, that promote this concept. And recently, the national authority in the field of science policy has been concerned about the promotion of Open Science principles in the country. Policy development and implementation of Open Science principles is difficult without involving all stakeholders and without knowledge of the current situation, both in terms of technical and legislative issues, and especially in terms of awareness of the need and willingness of people to contribute to this process. In this context, we set out to carry out this study, taking into account the insufficient level of debates and analyzes on Open Science subject carried out in the Republic of Moldova. Its purpose is to determine the attitude, the level of awareness and involvement in issues related to Open Science and its elements in the Republic of Moldova, which will serve to develop Open Science policies and instruments at national and institutional levels.
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In the first decades of the 20th century in Argentina, especially in 1918, there was a university reform promoted by the student movement and that promoted the democratization of the universities. However, the massive incorporation of women into the country’s national universities is going to arrive almost around the end of the century. Thus, in the first decades of the 21st century, several reforms were produced in most of the Argentine universities, which were promoted by the feminist movement, the women professors and researchers, the students and the administrative workers. The main reforms were the enactment of protocols in cases of violence and / or discrimination based on gender, the creation of gender areas in the administrative and organizational structures of the universities, and the inclusion of parity for the selection of authorities. In this chapter, the latest feminist transformations and reforms in Argentine national universities will be analyzed based on three key areas: (i) violence and discrimination based on gender, (ii) processes of institutionalization of gender areas, and (iii) inclusion of parity for the selection of authorities. Likewise, there will be a brief description of the main inequalities at the university level such as horizontal and vertical segmentation.
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During the 20th century, the representation of the stock female character in the caricatures of the newspaper “Jež” underwent a significant transformation: while in the 1930s the character of the peasant woman was reduced to a simple graphic form, rough and without details, an attractive peasant woman appeared in the mid-20th century, primarily in drawings by Desa Glišić, with a short skirt, narrow waist and enlarged bust. However, in accordance to the traditional cultural norms, she was still dressed in folk costume. Broadly speaking, Desa’s female characters paraphrased the craze for novelties from shops in Belgrade which retailed imported costume items. This visualization of women through the synergy of traditional and modern, or more precisely clothing and fashion, proved to be a convenient platform for interpreting the potential objectification of women (Fredrickson & Roberts). At the same time, we are going to determine whether the mentioned depiction of a rural woman endangered the hitherto dominant patriarchal pattern of visualizing women, when their function as a symbol of traditional values through the role of mother and housewife underwent transformation.
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The paper asks how parenting desires are associated with the construction of sexual identity and what factors most influence whether gays/lesbians, bisexuals, and heterosexuals declaring same-sex attraction want to have (more) children. The subject has been explored mainly in the Western liberal and gay-family-friendly legislation and social environment so far. Our study was conducted in the Czech Republic, a CEE country where sexual minorities face strong legal and social barriers to non-heterosexual parenthood. In an online survey (N = 882) conducted in 2019 among self-identified gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual people with same-sex attraction, we found a considerable gap in parenting desires by sexual identity. Parenting desires are weaker among homosexuals, especially men, while bisexuals are closer to heterosexuals in their parenting desires. Our research suggests that in the context of discussions of parenthood Czech women are unwilling to identify as lesbians and opt instead to claim a different sexual identity. Our findings indicate that the structural barriers to parenthood thus play a much more important role than the overall liberal-minded atmosphere in the Czech Republic.
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Social networks and collective trust have been studied in relation to civil uprisings such as the Arab Spring events of 2011. Social capital is also an important factor in the Middle East and North African (MENA) labour markets, where 'wasta' family connections are said to affect workers' opportunities. Little is known, however, about MENA citizens' social capital and its composition and distribution across socio-economic groups. As an advanced foundation on which to build future analyses, we propose a stochastic approach for measuring people's social capital using Bayesian clustering, based on three dimensions: level of social activity, quality of social networks, and trust. Applying the method to the 2000-2014 World Values Surveys for 16 MENA countries, we describe the composition and distribution of workers' social capital within and between countries, and estimate ordered-probability regressions of workers' employment outcomes as a function of the dimensions of social capital, workers' demographics, and subjective health assessment. We find that, among the three dimensions of social capital, social trust is most clearly conducive to the employment and full-time status of both genders. The level of social activity is associated with more autonomous, intellectual and creative occupations among men, but only with more creative occupations among women. Higher-quality social networks are associated with more autonomous jobs, but also less creative ones. Interestingly, trust is associated with non-autonomous, manual, and routine jobs. In creative jobs favoured by the Fourth Industrial Revolution, workers are selected from those with higher socializing levels but inhibited networks and trust.
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The goal of the article is to understand a series of reforms in the so-called European Education Area and the respective national policies harmonized with them, chiefly those that concern changes in high schools (considered in the Preschool and School Education Act as of 2016, truly radical ones). On the basis of an archive created within the framework of the collective study “Educational inequalities and social chances – strategic goals of reform in Bulgarian high school education”, the article describes the chances in the field of education, the loss of its relative autonomy, its subjection to diverse institutionalized forms of competition that turn the school into a constellation of indicators and cause sustainable social inequalities. The symbolic violence is also problematized of the funding policies of ‘improving the human capital’ that reduce human potential to the production of value controlled by indicators of achievement. Different notions are discussed of ‘human capital’ and return of investment in quality education – a condition for the production of human capital. The central role in explaining the problematics of human capital belongs to the analysis of ‘the American school of the theory of human capital’ by Michel Foucault in “The Birth of Biopolitics” that traces the link between this theory and the essence of neoliberal change.
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In contrast to his predecessor, President Dmitry Medvedev pushed Russia into a wave of socio-economic changes. His only term in the years 2008-2012 was dominated by the concept of modernization, which included democratization, market-oriented reforms, anti-corruption campaigns, and the support of civil society. Nevertheless, the results of the modernization program were modest. The present paper aims to present the cir-cumstances of the introduction of modernization, its content, criticism, and the reasons for its decay. The author argues that modernization was a personal initiative of D. Medvedev and stemmed from his preoccupations with new technologies and contemporary models of governance. At the end of D. Medvedev’s term, the concept of modernization disappeared from Russia’s public space and was replaced by a new rhetoric of “strong statehood” declared by Vladimir Putin.
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The paper analyzes the size and structure of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The population censuses of 1921 and 1931 are the main source for the research. The statistical and census materials are compared to a number of studies from the fields of historiography, ethnography and anthropogeography. A number of papers raising doubts about how objective the census results are in regard to the number of Albanians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia are also critically addressed.
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The National Women’s Community was founded in 1926 after the conflicts that began in 1924 in the umbrella women’s society – the National Women’s Union. The reason for the conflict was the dissatisfaction of the management of the Women’s society during the election of the new management of the Union, but also the loss of the privileged position of this association, which was the initiator and founder of the Union in 1906. The conflict took place on several levels, primarily between two different views on the direction and goals in which the women’s movement in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes will move. Numerous currents advocated, among other things, the fight for the right to vote as one of the most important goals, and were feminist in their goals. The other current, more traditional, considered that this was not a priority goal to be fought for. The conflict within the National Women’s Union and the divisions that led to the creation of the National Women’s Community is just another proof of the deep social and even political divisions in the newly established state. A huge number of newly formed societies and associations, not only women’s, led to a complete devaluation of humanitarian and charitable work, and the participants were more concerned about personal promotions than those for which they were declaratively committed. Although the new National Women’s Community was founded, among others, by the three oldest Serbian women’s societies, the former founders of the National Women’s Union, their enthusiasm quickly waned and the Community did not progress or increase membership. After less than four years of work, it was turned into a marginal gathering of societies that appeared more often at celebrations and public events, was present in the capital’s newspapers, but had no real influence.
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The presented text focuses on the stereotype of Europe in the discourse of the radical Orthodox Church in Russia. A difference between a generally accepted concept and a discursively conditioned stereotype, as understood by W. Lippmann, represents an important methodological aspect. The empirical material was selected from over 70 publications from https://3rim.info/, a religious news aggregator. Its analysis allowed the author to reach the following conclusions: in this discourse, a concept of EUROPE undergoes a significant axio-logical reinterpretation and expansion exceeding the concept profiling, and creating a stereotype characteristic of the studied discourse.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the essence and to determine the levels of the polyhybrid aggression of the Russian Federation to the EU’s Eastern Partnership initiative and to develop recommendations for its improvement in terms of the geopolitical influences of Russia. To achieve its goals in the Eastern European region, the Russian Federation uses a multidimensional hybrid aggression, namely a polyhybrid aggression, when non-military crises are provoked and maintained in order to weaken the adversary, as a preparatory stage for a direct military invasion. In the case of the Eastern Partnership initiative, it is introduced by attempts to prove its inexpediency and ineffectiveness. The study shows that the Russian polyhybrid aggression has been extended not only to the countries of the Eastern Partnership, but also to the EU – aimed at weakening its transformative power in Eastern Europe, and to the Russian society – aimed at shaping negative stereotypes about the EU and legitimizing the actions of the Russian government. Achieving the Eastern Partnership goals depends on Russia’s democratization and its compliance with international law. The following methods were used to solve the research problem: descriptive and historical method, sociological data analysis, forecasting method and structural-functional method.
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The article presents the military relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in the years 1921-1939, from the end of the war between Poland and the Bolshevik Russia until the beginning of World War II. Its content has been divided into four subchapters, in the first of which the author analyzes the state of research on the topic in question and the state of preservation of sources in Polish and foreign archives. In the following subsections, the author presents the military relations between Poland and the USSR in three periods: in the years 1921-1926, 1926-1935 and 1935-1939. The last subsection is key to the undertaken research problem. It contains findings on the changes in the mutual military relations to the disadvantage of Poland, in connection with the rapid expansion and modernization of the Red Army and the difficulties of the Polish military intelligence in their assessment and difficulties in recognizing the reconstructed cooperation between the USSR and Germany.
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As toponymic means of inscribing urban space, street names have been addressed mainly by human geographers, who have articulated the field of critical place-name studies. In this paper, I continue the endeavor started in the previous issue published in Social Change Review of reading street names through sociological lenses. Whereas in the first part of this two-part contribution the analysis was made from functionalist and conflictualist perspectives, this second and final part employs social constructionism and the utilitarian theoretical tradition in making sociological sense of street nomenclatures. First, conceiving of street names as forming discursively constructed linguistic landscapes, the paper shows how urban namescapes – the “city-text” – are written, erased, and rewritten to reflect the shifting political powers. Second, the paper examines the neoliberal processes of place branding and toponymic commodification by which street names are turned into sought-after urban commodities with transactional value on the real estate market. The paper concludes by inviting sociologists to join the conversation on street names, which should become an important topic of sociological reflection.
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The objective of the present study was to explore what demographic and socioeconomic factors were associated with adolescent (younger than 20 years) and adult mothers living in Romania. In total, 274 adolescent and adult mothers were recruited from two maternity wards Romanian maternity wards. The mean age of the sample was 24.64 years (SD = 6.907, range: 13–44 years). Independent samples t-tests, Pearson’s chi square, Cramer’s V, and risk ratios were used to assess differences in continuous and categorical demographics variables between adolescent and adult mothers. This study has shown that maternity among adolescent mothers younger than 20 years has broad sociodemographic determinations, and, consequently, the socio-economic implications could be long-term as well as costly.
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The crisis generated by the COVID-19 pandemic implied specific intervention measures in all areas worldwide. Social workers from the social care system and health services, along with other specialists, have played an extremely important role in providing support to vulnerable groups, in order to manage social and psychological issues that have emerged in this period. This paper presents the results of a study involving 94 social workers from Romania. The aim of the research was to identify the main changes in the activity of social workers from public and private social services during pandemic, a period characterized by restrictive measures in order to limit the transmission of the virus. The paper focuses on vulnerabilities and challenges imposed by these changes in order to continue to provide social services for those in need. Recommendations on social policies are outlined based on the lessons learned in this period. The results show that communication and the maintenance of the relationship with beneficiaries are the parts where most changes occurred. The limitation of direct contacts has led to a decrease in field activity, online work, increased workload, or changes in working schedule, and also sometimes (mainly in public institutions) increased bureaucracy. Based on the results of the study, some recommendations for policy makers are identified, taking advantage of the lessons from this period of crisis: the need for the authorities to prioritize the allocated resources and to impose stricter rules to follow, provide funding for specific resources, intensifying the collaboration between all social actors involved, developing and implementing unitary intervention models, greater interest and understanding from authorities and responsiveness to new intervention methods, maintaining the online activity where the situation allows it in order to reduce bureaucracy in public institutions.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the role of Confucius Institute in Shaping China's National Image in Botswana in the case of CI Students. The Confucius Institute at the University of Botswana (CIUB) is employed as a case study which is identified as the most active Chinese soft power instrument in Botswana. The paper uses a qualitative research method to help better understand the benefits and limitations of CIUB in creating China’s positive image in Botswana. Primary data is obtained from questionnaires whilst secondary data is derived from journal papers, thesis, and books. The study is framed by soft power theory to assist in learning how China utilises its soft power to improve its image in Botswana. The analysis revealed that CIUB has been fruitful in promoting Chinese language and culture in Botswana impacting positively on China’s national image. The findings of the study show that CIUB has the potential to clear some negative perceptions about China in Botswana. However, the limitation as indicated by the study is that CIUB does not have wide coverage of the population of Botswana as it targets mostly students. It is suggested that CIUB as a single tool cannot fully address all the concerns affecting China’s image.
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