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The article focuses on the question, which conception about the future Lithuanian state the members of the Taryba had and how these perceptions should be seen a century later. The beliefs of the Taryba will be shown in three central issues: the inner order of the future state, the relations with the neigbouring countries, the minority policy.
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After World War II, the formation of British-Soviet relations defined and shaped the attitude of the United Kingdom to Central and Eastern European countries. After the Second World War, the question of attitude towards Hungary became increasingly problematic and complicated: relations between the United Kingdom and Hungary yielded a positive or negative balance. The intensity of the British-Hungarian relationship was influenced by several negative factors. The British were not able to sweep under the carpet the fact that Hungary belonged to the Soviet sphere of interests, and we could not examine and interpret the British and Hungarian relations without excluding Soviet interests. This paper does not attempt to present the common history of these years of the two countries: it only briefly outlines what the significance of the Soviet sphere of interest meant, what was the position of the British leadership on the Hungarian government. What were the international and domestic political events that made the relationship between the two countries more and more disturbed and what were the 1950s moments that started to bring foreign policy events into a more positive direction.
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An interesting segment of the Greek Cause was an idea to create an independent Greek State on the part of the Great Powers. With this object, an international conference was organised between 1830 and 1832. On this conference, a Hungarian diplomat Paul Anton Esterhazy – as a minister plenipotentiary of Austria in London – represented the opinion of the Cabinet in Vienna. During this negotiation process – in favour of Greeks – Esterhazy played a special role. The aim of my study is to make an overview about Esterhazy’s diplomatic mission.
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The article focuses on the first Bulgarian-Wallachian diplomatic marriage, which was concluded to cement a military political alliance between Bulgaria and the Wallachian voevode Ivanko Basarab. The interests of the allies were united by the presence of a common enemy – Hungary. Mihail Shishman, at that time ruler of the Vidin Despotate, was the main acting figure on Bulgarian part. The marriage was the result of his diplomatic efforts, which were also beneficial to the overlord Theodore Svetoslav. The alliance with the most powerful Wallachian voevode was designed to prevent Hungary to expand at the expense of the Trans-Danubian Bulgarian lands and in general the goal was achieved despite some losses in Severin. The author traces also Ivanko Basarab’s policy of manoeuvring between Hungary and Bulgaria that helped him to defend his interests, pressured by his powerful neighbours and eventually allowed him to start building his own independent state.
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The Czechoslovak Republic (CSR), which was established in the Central European region as one of states after the demise of Austro-Hungarian Empire, was characterized as a state with a complex ethnic structure. Besides Czechs and Slovaks its inhabitants belonged to various ethnic minorities. The influences on the political development of the new state were the German community living predominantly in the western part of the Czech lands and a Hungarian minority settled mainly in Southern Slovakia. In both cases these ethnic groups were included in Czechoslovakia against the approval of the majority of their people. Therefore, they were a potential threat to the security of the Republic. Czech and Slovak political leaders were aware of this situation and were compelled to look for a solution. It was imperative to create a unity between both communities and in this way to eliminate the danger to the CSR. The road to the imposition of the dominant position of Czechs and Slovak in the new Republic was the creation of a political construct of a unified Czechoslovak Nation, consisting of two “branches” – the Czechs and the Slovaks. The adherents to this concept argued that, ethnic, linguistic and psychological closeness between both communities was so deep that only historical developments had prevented a fusion of them into one nation in the past. Besides the ideological aspect, the concept of a unified Czechoslovak Nation had also deep political consequences. The Czechoslovak Republic, despite its multi-ethnic structure, was built as a national state with superior authority held within central government based in Prague, which, regardless of its concrete composition, was pursuing a policy supportive of “Czechoslovakism”. Therefore, in regard to political and social acceptance of this construct, there was a marked difference between Czechs and Slovaks. Whereas Czechs almost unanimously accepted this concept, Slovaks were sharply divided on it. A significant segment of Slovak society refused to take into consideration that they were Czechoslovaks; arguing that they were members of a fully developed nation with its own history, language and common sense of national self-awareness. Nationallyoriented Slovak politicians and cultural activists saw in the construct of the Czechoslovak Nation an attempt to assimilate Slovaks into a Czech nation. This suspicion was reinforced by Edvard Beneš, one of the most influential Czech politicians, who from 1938 was the President of CSR, and openly declared the necessary fusion of both communities. Shortly after the establishment of the CSR this conviction was translated into a political program presented by the Slovak People Party (HSPP) led by Andrej Hlinka, and the Slovak National Party, where Martin Rázus held a dominant position, till his death. Both leaders demanded autonomy for Slovakia. The form of autonomy was to be based on the Pittsburgh Agreement signed by representatives of Czechs and Slovaks living in the USA and later the President of the CSR Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk. The signatories of the Pittsburg Agreement consented that Slovakia would have an independent assembly and courts, and that the Slovak language would be the official medium of communication in public intercourse. In the view of autonomist adherents, the Masaryk´s signature was undisputable proof that the document had a legal relevance. In an atmosphere of political tension in Europe, caused by the aggressive policy of Nazi Germany, the HSPP increased its fight for autonomy. As an opportunity to enhance public support for autonomy, a delegation of the Slovak League visited from the USA during the summer months of 1938, co-inciding with the twentieth anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburgh Agreement. For the leadership of the HSPP it was of utmost importance to develop close relations with delegates and therefore it sent emissaries to the Polish port of Gdynia where the American delegation was scheduled to arrive. Similarly, the leaders of the Czechoslovak government deemed that friendly relations with delegates of Slovak League were important and sent a welcoming committee there. The pronouncements of the chairman of the Slovak League, Peter Hletko, were somewhat ambiguous; on the one hand he announced that the delegates had brought with them the original Pittsburgh Agreement, which was heartily welcomed by autonomists, on the other hand he declared that the aim of the American delegation was to contribute to the unity of Czechs and Slovaks in the Czechoslovak Republic. Initially the American delegation planned to visit government officials in Prague, but Hletko, allegedly under pressure from one of the leading politicians of HSPP, Karol Sidor, decided to go first to Ružomberok to see Hlinka. The government representatives, including the President Edvard Beneš, the Prime Minister Milan Hodža, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Kamil Krofta, the mayor of Prague and other dignitaries, could only ignore this change of travel schedule which had put them in an embarrassing situation. On finally arriving in Prague, the delegates were welcomed with lavish hospitality, but despite this welcoming the request of the delegates to implement the Pittsburgh Agreement into the Czechoslovak Constitution was denied. On June 4 th delegates attended the Congress of the HSPP in Bratislava. Hletko informed the leaders of the HSPP that they could not expect a positive approach from the government towards the establishment of autonomy in Slovakia. The next day delegates took part in a grandiose celebration of the anniversary of the signing of the Pittsburg Agreement, which culminated when Hletko displayed it in front of a gathered crowd. To maintain an image of impartiality, delegates also attended a demonstration organized under the auspices of the Republican Party on June 6th in Bratislava. The aim of the demonstration was to prove that a majority of Slovaks were against autonomy and were loyal to the CSR. Hletko again defended the Pittsburgh Agreement, but primarily as an instrument of unity between Czechs and Slovaks. More openly he criticized the refusal of the government to accept the autonomy of Slovakia during a public gathering organized on June 19th by the SNS in Turčiansky Sv. Martin. Hletko declared that American Slovaks would never give up on their demands for the autonomy of Slovakia. Hletko was even more critical at a farewell banquet given by HSPP in Ružomberok. Government politicians, in his words, were generous in their hospitality, but not in their readiness to award autonomy to Slovakia. The support of a majority of delegates of the Slovak League for the autonomist program of the HSPP and SNS provoked a wave of negative reactions from the government press. The authority of delegates to speak for Slovaks living in USA was put in doubt, and their journey to Slovakia was characterized as an unimportant episode which had made little impact upon the political development of Slovakia.
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In December this year there will be a 100 years anniversary since the heroic death of the apostle of Damyan Gruev - the Bulgarian National Liberation Movement in Macedonia and Andrianople Thrace.
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The Thracian organization was created in XTXth century and is a part of the revolutionary movement against the Ottoman rule. The first Thracian organizations in liebrated Bulgaria are „Strandzha", „Adrianople Thrace", the charity organization „Thrace", the Thrace scientific institute and others.
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„Bulgariad" is a name given to the epic work of literature „Sacred legends" of Venko Markovski by Acad. P.Zarev, who compares this literary work with Homer's „Iliad", the „Luisiad' of Kamoence, the „Franciad" of Ronsar, the „Anriad of Voltaire and the „Rosiad" of Heraskov.
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Ivan Garvanov became leader of Inner Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutio nary Organization (IMARO) in 1901 and under his leadership, a decision for preparation and conduct of general-strategic uprising in Macedonia and Adrianople region was taken.
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American influence on military coups in Turkey has always been an attention grabbing subject. In this study, the connection of US administration to September, 12 coup has been investigated according to declassified documents of US National Archives, Congress reports, memoirs of American diplomats and American press. With this aim, views of US administration on possible coup before September, 12 and American perception of Turkish military coup after September, 12 has been analyzed in a detailed way. In the light of the documents obtained, it has been seen that American administration is well aware of the coup before September 12, and they are familiar with the actors of the coup. Likewise, in the aftermath of Sept. 12, it has been found that US supported the military government of Turkey politically and economically, in return for this support, the problems in bilateral relations which emerged in recent years, were solved in accordance with US national interests.
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The proposal of the newly-old statesman Branko Crvenkovski for the construction of a monument of Tito in Skopie did not surprise anyone, bearing in mind the fact that the president Crvenkovski has been connected with totalitarism of Tito.
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During the Ottoman-Russian War in 1877-78 so called as 93 War because of occuring in 1293 according to the Hijri Calendar, the Ottoman Empire armies were unable to succed in the face of Russian and Romanian forces except for some of the achievements in the Caucasian front and the defense of Plevn and the war resulted in the defeat of the Ottoman Empire. At the end of the war, the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaties of San Stefano and Berlin, leading to the loss of land and prestige. To resolve the failure and shortcomings of the army in battle, training of the Ottoman Army like the European model was decided. While getting help from France on the military reforms until the War 93, henceforth Abdulhamid administration turned to Germany in this regard. The military officers were brought from Germany for the proposed reforms and the Ottoman officers was sent for training to European countries, especially to Germany, being advanced in the military context. In this regard, from the year 1880 for rehabilitation of the army, a lot of officers and technical specialists came from Germany. These are the examples: Colonel Koehler, Lieutenant-Colonel Von der Goltz. Starting from this date, the Ottoman Empire followed a close policy to Germany in terms of the foreign policy until the end of World War I. One of the most important reasons behind this was, Germany had a different policy than the other European Powers regarding the sharing policies. Undertakings required to be done to reform the Ottoman Military order also affected the foreign policy of Germany and the European Great Powers, then reforms were brought to the instrument of this policy. This study will analyze why the Ottoman Empire was close to Germany on military reforms after the war and how this situation affects the Empire’s relations with Duvel-i Muazzama.
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The essay of Laonik Halkokondil contains some very interesting information about the Bulgarian history. It discusses the information gathered by the author about the origin of the Bulgarians, their mentality, way of living and political history.
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Having finalized the necessary preparations at the beginning of the 20th century in terms of operationalizing radio and telegraph communications gathered by the intelligence services, on 1 November 1919, the British Government founded the GCCS. The GCCS led to changes in the British intelligence concept regarding its work on deciphering not only the enemy but also the ally states’ radio and telegram communications.Thus, the signals intelligence agencies contributed to the development of the strategy to be followed by the British during the negotiations of the Lausanne Conference.This study focuses on the contents of the telegram communications partially or fully deciphered solely by the GCCS which were then submitted for the decision makers consideration during the second round of the Lausanne Conference; the period when the actual treaty was being formed. The telegrams in question include not only the correspondence of the Turkish representatives present at the Lausanne Conference, but also that of America, Italy, France and Greek correspondences with the concerned authorities. Hence, the GCCS records constitute the main source of this study.
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