We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
This study aims to examine the difficult way in which Turkey and Greece negotiated their membership applications in the North-Atlantic Treaty and it analyzes the consequences of this foreign policy choice which placed these countries in one of the Cold War teams. Heavy emphasis was put on the reasons why the Italian administration considered and supported these states’ demands for security. Essentially, this study tried to redraw the diplomatic effort, using documents from the collections of the Italian diplomacy (I Documenti Diplomatici Italiani), mostly from the recently published 11th/XI series, which discuses Italy’s political and diplomatic view within NATO. It is also worth mentioning that this study also followed the attitudes and reactions of the government in Athens regarding the issue of the first expansion of the Atlantic Alliance, although the author placed emphasis on the more fleshed out policy of the Turkish Government, another reason being its influence in the Middle East and among the Arab states.
More...
100. rocznica plebiscytu na Warmii, Mazurach i Powiślu skłania do zainteresowania się jego antecedencjami i wynikami głosowania. Powstaje pytanie, czy Polska w ówczesnej sytuacji mogła podjąć działania, które przyczyniłyby się do uzyskania lepszego wyniku głosowania? Szukając odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie, należy uwzględniać wielorakie i skomplikowane uwarunkowania wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne powstającego państwa polskiego, ale też działania władz polskich wobec Mazurów i Warmiaków. Warto uwzględniać pozycję Polski w Europie, państwa odzyskującego po 123 latach niepodległość i realnych możliwości realizacji celów i aspiracji terytorialnych narodu polskiego. W początkowym okresie kształtowania polityki państwa niebagatelną rolę odgrywał Sejm Ustawodawczy, w którym zasiedli przedstawiciele polskiego społeczeństwa i przedstawiali na jego forum istotne problemy państwa polskiego, dlatego warto wyjaśnić zainteresowanie tej instytucji państwa plebiscytami na Warmii i Mazurach oraz Powiślu. Problematyka plebiscytu w Sejmie Ustawodawczym została przedstawiona przed pół wiekiem w jednym artykule, lecz warta jest przypomnienia i przedstawienia z innej perspektywy
More...
On 14 May 1968, Romania was in front of a historic event, the visit of the first French president to our country, General Charles de Gaulle. The itinerary of the trip, which began in Bucharest, at Băneasa Airport, continued in the capital and in the cities of Craiova, Slatina, Piteşti, Târgovişte and Ploieşti, with an apotheotic conclusion at the French Embassy in Bucharest. From the early years of his presidency, de Gaulle dealt with the issue of East-West relations that dominated the whole of Europe, and in Bucharest, Nicolae Ceausescu knew how to make the most of the unhoped-for opportunity to strengthen his foreign image. In addition to the foreign and domestic policy objectives set out in advance, which were to be discussed by the two sides, the visit also had a sentimental military aspect, meetings with former Romanian colleagues from the prestigious Saint-Cyr Military School and also with war veterans. Thus, on 17 May 1968, Charles de Gaulle met General VictorIsăceanu. On 18 May, at the reception offered by the President at the French Embassy in Bucharest, he had private talks with General Paul (Pavel) Teodorescu, Colonel Radu Miclescu and Commander Dan Vizanty.
More...
Kurdology, as an independent scientific discipline, has a long history, which is confirmed by a large number of scientific works created by various scientists and researchers in different periods. Georgian Kurdology, which also has its’ own long-standing tradition, originates from the period of the Soviet Union. It was during this period that many important works were created by different authors. It is noteworthy that the works of Albert Menteshashvili, who took Kurdology to a new level, have a special place in this regard. The monographic studies and separate scientific articles created by him still occupy a prominent place in Kurdish studies.On the one hand, the present article is an attempt to present the knowledge accumulated in the field of Kurdology during SovietGeorgia, while on the other hand, it aims to provide information about researchers working on Kurdish issues and the results of their scientific works, as well as challenges and problems facing Kurdology in Georgia, to persons interested in the topic. Within the scope of this research, it was outlined that modern Kurdish research in Georgia covers issues beyond the topics of the history of Kurdish people, culture, language or religion. This is also proven by the dissertations from 2020 and 2023, where the authors of corresponding research analyze the Kurdish issue in the prism of political and legal aspects. This indicates that Kurdish studies in Georgia have started to master a new scientific area and thus further expanded the scope of the interdisciplinary approach that existed before.
More...
Prince Paul Anton Esterhazy became Austria's ambassador to London following the Congress of Vienna. He played a key social and political role during his time in England, and he was a recognised and respected figure in his profession. From the second half of the 1810s, however, his stay in London was overshadowed by a seemingly persistent problem, a personal dispute with Vito Bettera. The Ragusan nobleman had formerly been in the service of Paul Anton Esterhazy's father, Nicholas Esterhazy, but later their working relationship came to an end. Nonetheless, after his departure, Bettera demanded an annual pension, and since he resided in London from 1816, he turned to Paul Anton Esterhazy with his financial problem. The case dragged on for years, but Bettera's demands became more and more violent as time went on, and Prince Paul was publicly insulted in January 1823. The Prince, as an ambassador, requested protection from the British government after the incident, and urged it to intervene in the case. The study highlights how the Liverpool cabinet responded to the situation. To what extent did it feel that the obligation to protect the ambassador was within their own competence, or even necessarily applicable in a situation where the physical safety of the ambassador was at risk for reasons that did not fall within the category of official duties, but within the category of private life? The study aims to point out the complexity of this issue, and present an interesting and lesser known period in the life of Paul Anton Esterhazy.
More...
One can safely state that the «Andreas Schmidt era» (1940-1944) could be considered one of the most difficult periods of the history of the German minority in Romania. From the very beginning, the activity of Nazi controlled organization entitled the German Ethnic Group in Romania and its leader (Andreas Schmidt) was perceived by the Romanian authorities with suspicion and concern. This concern was legitimate since the aggressive policies of the leadership of the German Ethnic Group in Romania let to increasing tensions between the latter, on one side, and the Romanian authorities and the Romanian local population in mixed Romanian-German communities, on the other side. Consequently, the Special Intelligence Service (Serviciul Special de Informaţii, one of the Romanian secret services in the interwar period), the intelligence service of the Romanian army (entitled in Romanian: Secţia a II-a Informaţii a Marelui Stat Major), the General Inspectorate of the Gendarmerie, and the General Directorate of the Police kept under close surveillance the hostile activities of the German Ethnic Group towards the Romanian state. The reports of these aforementioned intelligence institutions emphasized the totalitarian character of the German Ethnic Group in Romania and illustrates how this Nazi controlled organization turned under the leadership of Andreas Schmidt into an effective tool of the Third Reich in South Eastern Europe.
More...
The historiographical writings about Grigore Gafencu framed him as a patriot and a Europeanist. All of the initiatives he later stand for, after leaving the country and going into exile, were fundamentally tied to his diplomatic destiny. His positions as a journalist and the contacts he made afterward, in Geneva, both reflect a complex personality. In retrospect, it appeared that writing was his first major commitment; now, we would refer to him as a distinguished political figure. His translated and published writings from exile continue to serve as proof of this work. Grigore Gafencu maintained the ideals of his generation and through his initiative, being a militant of the European cause, made a political commitment to the improvement of the European Union.
More...
The main purpose of this article is to clarify some aspects regarding the economic relations between Romania and Vietnam in period 1975–1989. In order to achieve this proposed aim, were analysed a series of documents originating from the National Archives of Romania and also from the Center for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Romania. Thus, to achieve this objective, qualitative and quantitative research methods were used, as well as other methods such as as historical, logical, synthesis, and document analysis. The research undertaken has been focused in the first stage on agreements establishing economic cooperation between two states, then the emphasis being on cooperation in some industries and cooperation in the area of trade exchange. In this connection, the results of the study can be a valuable reference for the history of diplomatic relations between Romania and Vietnam, as well an important working tool for the study of the international relations history
More...
Public opinion in the Russian Empire was formed primarily through the press, which, under the conditions of liberal bourgeois transformations of the second half of the XIX century, actually acted as the fourth power. Due to the wave of anti-Russian protests in the Kingdom of Poland and the Northwestern Territory of the Russian Empire that emerged in the early 1860s relying on material assistance from Polish land magnates and spiritual support from the local Catholic clergy the Russian state risked losing its western outskirts with the full support of leading Western countries. The struggle for the minds of Russian society was also actively waged by revolutionary democrats led by a political emigrant Alexander Herzen, which aimed to overthrow the autocratic power in Russia in close alliance with the Polish revolutionaries. The purpose of the article is to consider how under those circumstances the press supported the government policy pursued in the Kingdom of Poland and the Northwestern Territory. For this end, an analysis of unpublished documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and published materials was conducted. The work uses the retrospective, problem-based chronological, and comparative historical methods, as well as general research methods. The article shows that one specific characteristic of the public opinion on the “Polish question” was that it was in constant dynamics and change, evolving from restrained approving rhetoric on the eve of the Polish uprising to condemning the rebels and supporting government policy in the region starting from 1863. The official press provided significant intellectual support for the government policy in the Russification of the region.
More...
Even though 18th century is a fertile field for history of diplomacy, this is not true for Ottoman diplomatic history. Although valuable studies are made on Ottoman diplomacy in recent years, this field still remains to be unearthed by historians. On the other hand it is not possible to write a diplomatic history without the Ottoman Empire which was part of the western diplomacy since its foundation. Even in the diplomacy of England, which is highly remote country, Ottoman Empire had an important place. The main purpose of this study is to prove this fact by analyzing diplomatic relations between these countries from the treaty of Carlowitz (1699) to the ascension of George II (1727). At end of the study, it is seen that England’s dynastic, commercial, continental and global aims determined its policy towards to the Ottoman Empire. In this study these aims are told and it is claimed that these aims framed the policy of England towards to the Ottoman Empire. Thereby it is aimed to make a minor contribution for the fulfillment of this gap.
More...
The 19th century of German orientalism is seen as a painful process of formation and transition, and, on the other hand, as a multicolored mosaic made of stones of different origins. This orientalism which was ignored by Edward Said in his Thesis of Orientalism, has a long tradition that cannot be explained in terms of colonial goals. There used to be many channels feeding the growing interest in this field by the 19th century. This study considers that the dramatic rise of German orientalism in the 19th century is the result of a long process. Wars, political conflicts, diplomatic relations, literary and intellectual movements such as romanticism and German idealism; the first amateur orientalists who opened the doors to the romantics, the first academics who followed the paths paved by the romantics; and, finally, the professional studies developed in a philological-historical dilemma at the universities – all the above are seen as the steps of this process. Taking into consideration the whole range of factors, the main thesis of this study is a special character of German orientalism that proceeds in its flow and cannot be understood within the dominant discourse.
More...Az erdélyi örménység és a Rákóczi-szabadságharc
In recent scholarship, very little is known of the history of the Armenians in Transylvania during the period of Ferenc Rákóczi’s War of Liberation (1703−1711). For this reason, my brief article is primarily dedicated to the vicissitudes of the Armenians from both historical and church-historical point of view in the early 18th century. Moreover, this study aims at focusing upon the positive and negative effects on the Armenians in Transylvania caused by Francis Rákóczi’s War of Liberation. At the same time, the studies have shown that Armenian Catholic (Uniate) Bishop Oxendio Virziresco (1654−1715), as the spiritual and political leader of the Armenian community, and firmly loyal to Apostolic Holy See in Rome and the Catholic Viennese Court, became an important key figure of Catholicism at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries. Due to disadvantageous church-political conditions in Transylvania, caused by the politically strong protestant élite at the end of the 17th century, András Illyés (1639−1712), the true appointed and elected Roman Catholic (Latin rite) Bishop of Transylvania, could not enter the territory of his diocese and take his position there as bishop. So, Oxendio Virziresco remained the highest ranked Catholic prelate in Transylvania in this period. Finally, this study has analysed the consequences of Ferenc Rákóczi’s War of Liberation on the whole Armenian community in Transylvania, resting upon the undiscovered documents kept at the archives in Budapest, Esztergom, Csíksomlyó (Șumuleu Ciuc), Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia), Rome, the Vatican City, Venice, Vienna, Warsaw and Yerewan.
More...
The present study aims to analyze the changes that occurred with the establishment of the monarchical regime in Romania. The accession to the throne of Carol the 1st meant both political and social prosperity and the establishment of a new civil ethic. The austere king's posture, the idea of honour to be defended by duel, the courtesy of good social practices - all these are reflected in the epistolary practice that has become a real way of being in the world and a proof of the assumption of the role in the royalty play.
More...
On May 30, 1910, during the stopover of the passenger "Împăratul Traian" belonging to the Romanian Maritime Service, in the Greek port of Piraeus, the ship was vandalized by a crowd of Greek boatmen and rowdies, the crew members and passengers being mistreated and robbed. This unprecedented act of vandalism scandalized both Romanian authorities and society as well as Western public opinion. Against the background of older dissensions and the interruption of relations between the two states, Greece procrastinated until June 27, 1910, granting the satisfaction demanded by Romania and settling this diplomatic conflict.
More...
The South East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) is a non-institutionalized forum. His activity began at the initiative of Bulgaria în 1996. Currently, the participants are: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Greece, Republic of North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Turkey, Croatia, Moldova, Montenegro, Slovenia, Kosovo. The effectiveness of the SEECP can be see in line with European Union and regional/international organizations.
More...
Historical processes taking place in 19th century Georgia, which are still not appropriately known to the world community, were of great importance for Transcaucasia. The paper presents the nature of the social-political and anti-Russian movements in Georgia in the first third of the 19th century. The article discusses the main historical and political processes that reflect the public opinion on the given issue and its content. A conclusion is drawn based on the presented facts. The XIX century had a difficult start for Georgia. In the previous century, the country, extremely weakened by the wars with Persia and the Ottoman Empire, was trying to find an ally. The rulers of Georgian politics considered the strengthened Russian empire in the Caucasus as a political ally and tried to reinforce diplomatic relations with it and establish alliance. Using this situation, Russia, on the other hand, tirelessly tried to capture Transcaucasia with the least possible losses and well-calculated, smart diplomatic moves. The annexation of Georgia was followed by a chain of contradictory movements, based on which the analysis of public opinion and the nature of the liberation movement is presented.
More...
War reparations deeply affected international relations, and attempts were made by American economic, financial and political circles to solve this thorny problem by launch‑ ing two plans (the Dawes Plan – 1929 and the Young Plan – 1930) and by establishing a general moratorium on the payment of war reparations and debts (the Hoover Moratorium - 1931). Unfortunately, the end of the First World War did not bring the much‑desired peace to Europe, as the Versailles system soon proved ineffective and short‑sighted. On the ruins of the former Central and Eastern European empires (the German Second Reich, Austro‑Hungary – derived from the Habsburg Empire, the Ottoman Empire and the Tsarist Empire), nation states emerged or existing states, which had gained their independence some time ago and had embarked on the road to modernisation, joined their territories. Some European states adopted authoritarian or totalitarian models of government relatively early on (the Soviet Union, Italy, Turkey, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Germany – now the Weimar Republic, Portugal, etc.). The great global economic crisis has led to a progressive deterioration in international relations. On the European level, a number of pressing and difficult issues have emerged: war reparations; the Austro‑German customs union or the Curtius‑Schober project: disarmament; the European Union project, etc. Of particular concern were the privileged Soviet‑German relations and the successful attempt by the Weimar Republic to achieve equal rights with other states in the field of armaments. Formed on the basis of the principle of nationalities at the end of the First World War, Greater Romania will always advocate the maintenance of the territorial status quoo and collective security, strictly respecting the Covenant of the League of Nations and building a network of agreements and treaties to defend the fundamental interests of the small and medium‑sized states of Central and Eastern Europe. Dominated by four world‑renowned diplomats (Take Ionescu, Ionel Brătianu, Nicolae Titulescu and I.G. Duca), Romanina for‑ eign policy between the wars was defined by: the decisive role played within the frame‑ work of the Little Entente; the deterioration of Romanian‑Soviet relations, generated by the dispute over Bessarabia; adherence to the Briand‑Kellogg Pact, supplemented by the Hoover‑Stimson doctrine; the strengthening of relations with Poland; the initiative to convene Balkan conferences, in order to achieve a new regional defensive alliance; the hostile reaction to the Austro‑German customs union project; the favourable attitude towards the Danube Confederation plan launched by France; the Romanian‑Hungarian confrontation in the trial of the Hungarian opthonists in Transylvania; the active involvement in the work of the Disarmament Conference; the privileged relations between Romania and France; the trade agreements and the Romanian‑German cultural relations, etc.
More...
After the end of the Great War and the Great Union of Alba-Iulia, the Romanian authorities felt that Romania needed to play a more important role on the international stage. Underlying this will was the Romanians' intention to strengthen relations with France, the main winner of the great world war that had just ended and the epicentre of European diplomacy in the new international context. Thus, the Romanian government had sent to the banks of the Seine career diplomats of prestige and experience, such as Victor Antonescu and Constantin Diamandi, in order to properly resolve all the differences that existed between the two countries and to create, in the future, the path towards new ways of collaboration.The promotion of the Polish legation in Paris to the level of embassy in the autumn of 1924 aroused passions in Bucharest and convinced the Romanian government that this was the way forward. The signing of the Franco-Romanian Treaty on June 10, 1926 strengthened Romania's position internationally. This success was now to be complemented by a change in the status of the legation in Paris. This step was important for the Romanian authorities because it ensured that Romanian diplomacy would be given special attention and appreciation of the interests that the creditor state attached to its diplomatic relations. Obtaining a new diplomatic status would have corresponded to the will of the Romanian state to take over some of the importance that the former Austro-Hungarian Empire had enjoyed in the past and to assert itself as an important power in south-eastern Europe.
More...
Alexandru Paleologu (March 14, 1919, Bucharest – September 2, 2005, Bucharest) was a very well-known Romanian public figure, especially for his work as a writer, essayist and literary critic, but also as a politician and former ambassador of Romania in Paris during the first months of 1990. His appointment as ambassador was a political one, since Alexandru Paleologu was not a career diplomat at that time. Less well known is the fact that Alexandru Paleologu was a career diplomat between August 1, 1946 and November 20, 1947.
More...