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The material is part of the Ottoman customs register of Dupnitsa for financial year 1846–1847. The Register describes the goods that passed through the state land control – their type, quantity, value, the size of gyumruk (customs duty) and the market fee (bach). The names of the traders, the villages they came from and traveled to are also entered in the register. Dupnitsa is one of the few land customs stations in the Bulgarian lands in the nineteenth century, situated on strategically important country roads from Thessaloniki to Sofia and Europe and from the Adriatic Sea to Plovdiv, Odrin and Tsarigrad. The author presents a translation and commentary of the first 5 of the 20 pages of the register preserved in the Ottoman Department of the National Library St. Cyril and Methodius, Sofia. So far this is the only document of land customs checkpoints in the Bulgarian lands in the nineteenth century, which makes it a source of great cognitive significance, not only for goods flow and turnover at Dupnitsa, but also for documenting the Ottoman regulation policy of the urban economy in the Bulgarian lands at that time.
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“Minkova Mahala” farm was located in the northwestern Bulgaria near Boychinovtsi. The landed estate was formed during the Ottoman domination and was owned by a prominent Turk who obtained it for services to the Ottoman Empire. After the Russo-Turkish War, in 1880, the estate became property of Bulgarians. With its area of more than 5 hectares the landed estate was considered a large farm at least for Bulgarian standards. In the early twentieth century Haritovi brothers, who were engineers graduated from Polytechnic University in Munich, became owners and managers of the farm. Inspired by the land management in Germany, they went to enormous efforts to create a modern farm that in the period between the two world wars developed production of grain and forage crops, vines, fruits, vegetables, flowers; created good standards of animal husbandry. Dairy production was organized in the farm, too. Haritovi brothers built a modern mill, mini hydro, Decauville railway, irrigation and drainage facilities. The land on the farm was tilled with machines; the owners used hired labour and sold their products on domestic and foreign market. The achievements of “Minkova Mahala” made it subject of interest for agronomists and a wide range of people engaged in agriculture. Business operations of the farm, however, suffered from systematic underfunding and in March 1944 its asset was transferred to the Ministry of Agriculture. Despite the difficulties Haritovi brothers were able to show that in Bulgaria it was possible to create a large capitalist farm that cultivated farming of European type.
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Concise notes about life and work of professor Demostenov
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The creation and economic rise of certain civil settlements in Slovenia in the pre-industrial era is inextricably related to the exploitation of water resources and mineral wealth. Two villages became marketplaces thanks to water resources: in the 16th century, Vrhnika mostly because of Ljubljanica river navigation and river traffic; at the turn of the 17th and 18th century Dolenjske Toplice acquired the position of a marketplace, soon to lose it. River transport on Sava in the 18th and early 19th century significantly changed the economic and social profile of the medieval market called Litija; after it ceased due to the railway, a reversal occurred again. However, the exploitation of mineral wealth had even greater impact on formation of urban settlements than river transport. At the end of the Middle Ages, there was a marketplace Bela Peč (now in Italy), the only mining settlement that managed to acquire all the attributes of a marketplace with a developed autonomy. The place Idrija is certainly the biggest phenomenon of them all, with its mercury mining. Getting its marketplace status in late 17th century, Idrija was referred to as a mining town from mid-18th century onwards, and later a city (the second biggest one in Carniola); although on an overall level it lacked institutions of a city administration.
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Election and nomination of bishops in the Catholic Church has always been a very complex and politically sensitive issue. With the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1878 and the introduction of new legal, economic and administrative regulations, Austria-Hungary established new relations between the state and religious communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Convention with the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople of 28 March 1880 regulated the relations with the Orthodox Church in Bosnia-Herzegovina. After two years of very intensive negotiations between Vienna and the Holy See a similar solution was reached for the Catholic Church in Bosnia-Herzegovina. On 8 June 1881, the Convention between the Holy See and Austria-Hungary was signed in Rome, a document regulating the state-church relations in the Catholic Church in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In two other similar treaties, Austria-Hungary regulated the relations of the state with the Muslim and Jewish communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Conventions between Austria-Hungary and the supreme representatives of religious communities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as the contracts with other religious communities in different countries of the Monarchy, presented a kind of international agreement of political, legal and religious character and were an important feature of the legacy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.The Convention between the Holy See and Austria-Hungary brought along many political and canonical changes in comparison to four-century long Ottoman occupation and strong Islamic oppression symbolized in the Ahdnama of Milodraz from 1463 as well as the rule of missionary canonical law, whi¬ch was in force in Bosnia-Herzegovina until 1878 or 1881. The privilege of appointing Catholic bishops obviously deserved a special place in the Convention. The privilege of election and nomination of bishops in Bosnia-Herzegovina, according to the spirit of the Convention of 8 June 1881, was courtesy of Pope Leo XIII to "His Majesty" Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria and King of Croatia-Hungary: Il Santo Padre.... concede alla stessa Maestà Sua il privilegio di nomina dell'Arcivescovo e dei Vescovi nella Bosnia e nell'Erzegovina. This short paper presents the concrete rule of state law and canonical law in the process of the election and appointment of the first bishop in Herzegovina, Pascal Buconjic OFM. In his triple function of an Apostolic Vicar in Herzegovina, a Bishop of Mostar-Duvno and finally an Apostolic Administrator of Trebinje-Mrkan, which he held successively, the state-church character of the reception and the realization of the Convention in Herzegovina were most clearly manifested. Buconjic, pleno sensu, a church man and a monk, thanks to his reputation and skill, enjoyed the position of trust with the State Government (Landesregierung) in Sarajevo, the Common Ministry of Finance in Vienna and the Emperor himself. Consequently, Buconjic as a bishop realized almost all his plans with the Sta¬te, and the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy considered him as an excellent partner to promote its ecclesiastic and state plans with the Catholic Church in Herzegovina. The author does not discuss, on purpose, the human, spiritual, religious, sacerdotal, pastoral and Episcopal characteristics of Bishop Pascal Buconjic, especially not his relation to the diocesan clergy and is happy to leave this task to other observers and investigators. He focuses on the interesting and successful profile of a Herzegovinian Franciscan Buconjic, which very quickly sets him apart from the nostalgic times of Franciscan exclusivism, based on privileges of the Ahd-nama of Milodraz but maintains all privileges of the Holy See (monumenta, privilegia et iura specialia franciscana) and other privileges of the Padişah in Istanbul that laid the foundations for a new and stronger exclusivism of future Franciscanism in Herzegovina. It is a contradiction that the Convention between Holy See and Austria-Hungary, which had so greatly promoted the Franciscanism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, was so strongly denigrated by Franciscan historiography in this country.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the model of „economic human” from different perspectives by various schools of economic thought in line with global evolutionary progress, identifying the problems of conformity with the motives of economic behavior of modern man both in the world and Ukraine. The variety of views on the „economic human” have been analyzed, including those of the representatives of the classical economic school, primarily Adam Smith’s, Marxist and neo-classical theories, and marginal analysis in particular. Fundamental differences in the approaches to the economic accumulation of human qualities have been defined. The objective prerequisites of the transformation of „economic human” model under intellectualization of labor and knowledge transfer have been presented. There has been defined that the precondition for the current stage of Ukraine’s evolutionary progress is the increase of the proportion of creative work and intellectual activity in the structure of labor employment.
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Soviet party-and-state policy concerning involvement of culture and art figures to the solution of the industrial modernization problems in the USSR is analyzed. The culture and art figures used various forms and methods of the work with the population, indirectly aimed on speeding up the industrial modernization.
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Суровое обаяние индустриальной культуры имеет ограниченный круг адептов. Я, несомненно, из их числа. Стержни возвышающихся над горо- дом труб ТЭЦ, заводов и фабрик, порой скрываю- щиеся за стенами высоток, скрепляют с небом про- странство моего родного города и значительной части остального мира. По звукам локомотивов и нарастающему гулу приближающихся железнодо- рожных составов я сверяю время, оказавшись в лишённой времени моей загородной Аркадии. С неизбежностью мы включены, а порой и за- ключены, в сферу индустриального, и, пока мы не удалились в пустыню, тундру, тайгу или джунгли, где ещё не ступала нога Homo Industrialis, она почти всегда где-то рядом, в пределах досягаемости — её объекты и продукты можно увидеть и услышать, к ним можно прикоснуться и ими можно воспользоваться.
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Despite a narrative of deindustrialization, monotowns and former industrial settlements are numerous in today’s Russia, and are significant not only in terms of the territory they occupy and the population they host but also because of the particular economic and cultural practices, logics of community building, and particular types of “connectedness” and horizontal networks that make these places special and habitable for their “dwellers.” This article offers an ethnographic account of the daily lives of blue-collar workers in a former industrial town in central Russia. Based on extensive fieldwork, the article demonstrates how people live their lives and manage to remain “satisfied” with what they have despite the crisis and relative poverty they faced after the fall of the socialist project, losing the town-forming enterprise, and the social trends associated with neoliberal transformation. The article presents a case study that shows the “other life” in today’s Russia, which is not at all present in mainstream academic discourse.
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Review of: Anna Tikhomirova - Olga Gurova. Fashion and the Consumer Revolution in Contemporary Russia. London: Routledge, 2015. 200 p. ISBN 978-0-415-84135-1.
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